An Apologie for the …

An Apologie for the Oath of ALLEGIANCE. FIRST SET FOORTH WITHOVT a name: And now acknowledged by the Authour, the Right High and Mightie Prince, IAMES, by the Grace of GOD, King of Great Britaine, France and Ireland; Defender of the Faith, &c.

Together with a PREMONITION of his Maiesties, to all most Mightie Monarches, Kings, free Princes and States of Christendome.

PSAL. 2. Vers. 10.

Et nunc Reges intelligite: Erudimini qui iudicatis terram.

ROM. 14. Vers. 13.

Non ergo ampliùs inuicem indicemus. Sed hoc iudicate magis, ne penat [...]s offendiculum fratri, vel scandalum.

¶Imprinted at London by Robert Barker, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie.

April. 8. ANNO 1609. Cum priuilegio Regali.

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TO THE MOST SACRED AND Inuincible Prince, RODOLPH the II. by GODS Clemencie Elect EMPEROVR of the ROMANES; KING OF GERMA­NIE, HƲNGARIE, BOHEME, DALMATIE, CRO­ATIE, SCLAVONIE, &c.

ARCH-DƲKE OF AVSTRIA, DVKE OF BVRGVNDIE, STIRIA, CARINTHIA, CARNIOLA, and WIRTEMBERG, &c. Earle of TYROLIS, &c.

[Page]AND TO ALL OTHER RIGHT HIGH AND MIGHTY KINGS; AND RIGHT EXCELLENT Free PRINCES and STATES of Christendome: Our louing BRETHREN, COVSINS, ALLIES, CONFEDERATES and FRIENDS:

IAMES, by the grace of GOD, King of GREAT BRITAINE, FRANCE and IRELAND; Professor, Maintainer and DEFENDER OF THE True, Christian, Catholique, and Apostolique FAITH, Professed by the auncient and Primitiue Church, and sealed with the blood of so many holy Bishops and other faithfull crowned with the glory of Martyrdome;

WISHETH euerlasting felicitie in CHRIST our Sauiour.

TO YOV, MOST SACRED AND INVIN­CIBLE EMPE­ROVR; RIGHT HIGH AND MIGHTIE KINGS; RIGHT EXCEL­LENT FREE PRINCES AND STATES, MY LO­VING BRETHREN AND COVSINS.

To you, I say, as of right belon­geth, doe I consecrate and direct this Warning of mine, or rather Preamble to my reprinted Apo­logie for the Oath of Allegiance. For the cause is generall, and concerneth the Authoritie and Priuiledge of Kings in generall, and all su­pereminent Temporall powers. And if in whatsoeuer Societie, or Corporation of men, either in Corporations of Cities, or in the Corpo­ration [Page 2] of any mechanike craft or handie-worke, euery man is carefull to maintain the priuiledges of that Societie whereunto hee is sworne; nay, they will rather cluster all in one, making it a common cause, exposing themselues to all sorts of perill, then suffer the least breach in their Liber­ties; If those of the baser sort of people, I say, be so curious and zealous for the preseruation of their common priuiledges and liberties, as if the meanest amongst them bee touched in any such poynt, they thinke it concerneth them all: Then what should we doe in such a case, whom GOD hath placed in the highest thrones vpon earth, made his Lieutenants & Vice-gerents, and euen seated vs vpon his owne throne to execute his Iudgements? The consideration heereof hath now moued me to expone a Case vnto you, which doeth not so neerely touch mee in my particular, as it doeth open a breach against our authoritie, (I speake in the plurall of all Kings) and pri­uiledge in generall. And since not onely all rankes and sorts of people in all Nations doe in­uiolably obserue this Maxime, but euen the Ciuill Law, by which the greatest part of Christen­dome is gouerned, doeth giue them an interest, [Page 3] qui fouent consimilem causam; How much more then haue ye interest in this cause, not be­ing similis or par causa to yours, but eadem with yours? and indeed yee all fouetis, or at least fouere debetis eandem causam mecum. And since this cause is common to vs all; both the ci­uill Lawes and the municipall Lawes of all Na­tions, permits and warne them, that haue a com­mon interest, to concurre in one for the defence of their common cause; yea, common sence tea­cheth vs with the Poet, Ecquid

Ad te pòst paulò ventura pericula sentis?
Nam tua res agitur, paries cùm proximus ardet.

Awake then while it is time, and suffer not, by your longer sleepe, the strings of your Autho­ritie to be cut in singulis, and one and one to your generall ruine, which by your vnited forces, would rather make a strong rope for the enemie to hang himselfe in, with Achitophel, then that hee should euer be able to breake it. As for this Apologie of mine, it is true, that I thought good to set it first out without putting my name vnto it; but neuer so, as I thought to deny it, remem­bring well mine owne words, but taken out of the Scripture, in the beginning of the Preface to the [Page 4] Reader, in my [...], that no­thing is so hid, which shall not bee opened, &c: promising there, which with GOD his grace I shall euer performe, neuer to doe that in secret, which I shall need to be ashamed of, when it shall come to be proclaimed in publique.

In deed I thought it fit, for two respects, that this my Apologie should first visite the world without hauing my name written in the forehead thereof. First because of the matter, and next of the persons that I medled with. The matter, it being a Treatise, which I was to write, contai­ning reasons & discourses in Diuinity for the de­fence of the Oath of Allegiance, and refutation of the condemners therof; I thought it not comely for one of my place, to put my name to books con­cerning scholastick Disputations; whose calling is to set forth Decrees in the Imparatiue moode: for I thinke my selfe as good a man as the Pope, by his reuerence, for whom these my Answerers make the like excuse; for that his Breues are so summary without yeelding any reason vnto them. My next reason was the respect of the persons whom with I meddled: Wherein, although I shortly answered the Popes Breues; yet the point. [Page 5] I most laboured, being the refutation of Bellar­mines Letter, I was neuer the man, I confesse, that could thinke a Cardinall a meet match for a King: especially, hauing many hundreth thou­sands of my subiects of as good birth as he. As for his Church dignitie, his Cardinalship I meane, I know not how to ranke or value it, either by the warrant of God his word, or by the ordinance of Emperours or Kings; it being indeed onely a new Papall erection, tolerated by the sleeping conniuence of our Predecessors (I meane still by the plurall of Kings.) But notwithstanding of this my forbearing to put my name vnto it, some Embassadours of some of you (my louing Brethren and Cosins) whome this cause did neereliest concerne, can witnesse, that I made Presents of some of those bookes, at their first printing, vnto them, and that auowedly in my owne name. As also the English Paragraphist, or rather peruerse Pamphleter Parsons, since all his desciption must runne vpon a P. hath truely obserued, that my Armes are affixed in the fron­tispice thereof, which vseth not to bee in bookes of other mens doing; whereby his malice in pretending his ignorance, that he might pay me the [Page 6] soundlier, is the more inexcusable. But now that I find my sparing to put my name vnto it hath not procured my sparing by these answerers, who haue neither spared my Person directly in na­ming me, nor indirectly by railing vpon the Au­thor of the Booke: it is now high time for me no longer to conceale nor disauow my selfe, as if I were ashamed of my owne deed. And therefore that yee may the better vnderstand the na­ture of the cause, I will begin at the first ground thereof.

The neuer ynough wondered at and abhorred POVVDER-TREASON (though the repetition thereof grieueth, I know, the gentle hearted Ie­suite Parsons) this Treason, I say, being not one­ly intended against me and my Posteritie, but e­uen against the whole house of Parliament, plotted only by Papists, and they onely led thereto by a preposterous zeal for the aduancement of their Religion; some of them continuing so obstinate, that euen at their death they would not acknow­ledge their fault; but in their last words, imme­diatly before the expiring of their breath, refu­sed to condemne themselues & craue pardon for their deed, except the Romish Church should [Page 7] first condemne it; And soone after, it being dis­couered, that a great number of my Popish Sub­iects of all rankes and sexes, both men and wo­men, as well within as without the Countrey; had a confused notion and an obscure know­ledge, that some great thing was to be done in that Parliament for the weale of the Church; although, for secrecies cause, they were not ac­quainted with the particulars; certaine formes of prayer hauing likewise bin set down and vsed for the good successe of that great errand; ad­ding hereunto, that diuers times, and from di­uers Priests, the Arch-traitors themselues re­ceiued the Sacrament for confirmation of their heart, and obseruation of secrecie; Some of the principall Iesuits likewise being found guiltie of the foreknowledge of the Treason it selfe; of which number some fled from their triall, others were apprehended (as holy Gamet himselfe and Ouldcorne were) and iustly executed vpon their owne plaine confession of their guilt: If this Treason now, clad with these circumstan­ces, did not minister a iust occasion to that Par­liament house, whom they thought to haue de­stroyed, couragiously and zealously at their next [Page 8] sitting downe, to vse all meanes of trial, whether any more of that mind were yet left in the Coun­trey; I leaue it to you to iudge, whom God hath appoynted his highest Depute-Iudges vpon earth: And amongst other things for this pur­pose, This Oath of Allegiance, so vniustly im­pugned, was then deuised and enacted. And in case any sharper Lawes were then made against the Papists that were not obedient to the former Lawes of the Countrey; if ye will consider the time, place, and persons, it will bee thought no wonder, seeing that occasion did so iustly exaspe­rate them to make seuerer Lawes then otherwise they would haue done. The time, I say, being the very next sitting downe of the Parliament, af­ter the discouerie of that abominable Treason: the place beeing the same, where they should all haue bene blowen vp, and so bringing it freshly to their memorie againe: the persons being those very Parliament men whom they thought to haue destroyed. And yet so far hath both my heart and gouernment beene from any bitternes, as almost neuer one of those sharpe additions to the former Lawes haue euer yet beene put in execution.

[Page 9]And that ye may yet know further for the more conuincing these Libellers of wilfull malice, who impudently affirme, That this Oath of Allegiance was deuised for deceiuing and intrapping of Papists in points of conscience; The truth is, that the Lower house of Parliament at the first framing of this Oath, made it to containe, That the Pope had no power to excommunicate me; which I caused them to reforme; onely making it to conclude, That no excommunication of the Popes can warrant my Subiects to practise a­gainst my Person or State; denying the deposition of Kings to be in the Popes lawfull power, as in­deed I take any such temporall violence to bee farre without the limits of such a Spirituall cen­sure as excommunication is. So carefull was I that nothing should be contained in this Oath, ex­cept the profession of natural Allegiance, & ciuill and temporall obedience, with a prom [...]se to resist to all contrary vnciuill violence.

This Oath now grounded vpon so great and iust an occasion, set forth in so reasonable termes, and ordeined onely for making of a true distin­ction betweene Papists of quiet disposition, and in all other things good Subiects, and such other [Page 10] Papists as in their hearts maintained the like violent bloody Maximes, that the Powder-trai­tors did: This Oath, I say, being published and put in practise, bred such euill blood in the Popes head and his Cleargie, as Breue after Breue commeth forth, vt vndam vnda sequitur; pro­hibiting all Catholiques from taking the same, as a thing cleane contrary to the Catholicke faith; and that the taking thereof cannot stand with the saluation of their soules.

There commeth likewise a letter of Cardinall Bellarmines to Blackwell to the same purpose; but discoursing more at length vpon the sayd Oath. Whereupon, after I had entred in conside­ration of their vniust impugning that so iust and lawfull an Oath; and fearing that by their vn­true calumnies and Sophistrie the hearts of a number of the most simple and ignorant of my people should be mis-led, vnder that faire and deceitfull cloake of conscience; I thought good to set foorth an Apologie for the said Oath: wherin I proued, that as this Oath contained no­thing but matter of ciuill and temporall Obedi­ence, due by Subiects to their Soueraigne Prince: so this quarrelling therewith was nothing but a [Page 11] late vsurpation of Popes (against the warrant of all Scriptures, ancient Counsels and Fathers) vpon the temporall power of Kings, where with onely my Apologie doth meddle. But the pub­lishing of this Booke of mine hath brought such two Answerers, or rather Raylers vpon me, as all the world may wonder at. For my Booke beeing first written in English, an English Oath beeing the subiect thereof, and the vse of it pro­perly belonging to my subiects of England; and immediatly thereafter being translated into La­tine, vpon a desire that some had of further pub­lishing it abroad it commeth home vnto me now answered in both the Languages. And, I thinke, if it had beene set forth in all the tongues that were at the confusion of Babel, it would haue beene returned answered in them all againe. Thus may a man see how busie a Bishop the Deuill is, and how he omitteth no diligence for venting of his poisoned wares. But herein their malice doth cleerely appeare, that they pay me so quickly with a double answere; and yet haue neuer answered their owne Arch-priest, who hath written a booke for the maintenāce of the same Oath, and of the temporall authoritie of [Page 12] Kings, alledging a cloud of their owne Scoole­men against them.

As for the English Answerer, my vnnaturall and fugitiue Subiect; I will neither defile my pen, nor your sacred eies or eares with the describing of him, who ashames, nay, abhorres not to rayle, nay, to rage and spewe forth blasphemies against the late Queene of famous memorie. A Subiect to raile against his naturall Soueraigne by birth; A man to rayle against a Lady by sexe; A holy man (in outward profession) to insult vp­on the dead; nay, to take Radamanthus office ouer his head, and to sit downe and play the Iudge in hell; And all his quarrell is, that either her Successour, or any of her Seruants should speake honourably of her. Cursed be he that cur­seth the Anointed of God: and destroyed mought he be with the destruction of Korah, that hath sinned in the contradiction of Korah. Without mought such dogs and swine be, cast forth, I say, out of the spirituall Ierusalem.

As for my Latine Answerer, I haue nothing to say to his person; he is not my Subiect; he stan­deth or falleth vnto his owne Lord: But sure I am, they two haue casten lots vpon my Booke, [Page 13] since they could not diuide it: the one of them, my fugitiue, to rayle vpon my late Predecessor, (but a rope is the fittest answere for such an Hi­storian;) the other, a stranger, thinketh he may be boldest both to pay my person and my booke, as indeed hee doth; which how iustly either in matter or maner, we are now to examine.

But first, who should be the true Authour of this booke, I can but guesse. He calleth himselfe Matthaeus Tortus, Cardinal Bellarmins Chap­lain. A Being a pro­per word to expresse the true meaning of Tortus. throwen Euangelist indeed, full of thro­ward Diuinitie; an obscure Authour, vtterly vnknowen to me, being yet little knowen to the world for any other of his works: and therefore must be a very desperate fellow in beginning his apprentisage, not only to refute, but to raile vp­pon a King. But who will consider the cariage of the whole booke, shall find that hee writeth with such authoritie, or at the least tam elato stylo, so little sparing either Kings in generall, or my person in particular; and with such a greatnesse, P. 46. Habemus enim exemplaria Bre­uium illorum in manibus, and P. 63. Decerni­mus: as it shall appeare, or at least be very pro­bable, that it is the Masters, and not the mans [Page 14] labour; especially in one place, where he quarrel­leth mee for casting vp his moralis certitudo and piè credi vnto him; hee there grossely for­getting himselfe, saith, malâ fide nobiscum a­git, Pag. 69. thereby making this Authour to be one person with Bellarmine. But let it bee the worke of a Tortus indeed, and not of a personated Cardi­nall; yet must it be the Cardinals deede, since Master Tortus is the Cardinals man, and doeth it in his masters defence. The errand then be­ing the Cardinals, and done by his owne man it cannot but be accounted as his owne deed; espe­cially since the English Answerer doeth foure times promise, that Bellarmine, or one by his appointment, shall sufficiently answere it.

And now to come to his matter and manner of Answere: Surely if there were no more but his vnmannerly manner, it is enough to disgrace the whole matter thereof. For first, to shew his pride, in his Printers preface of the Po [...]itan edi­tion of this elegans libellus, he must equall the Cardinals greatnesse with mine in euery thing. For though he confesseth this Master Tortus to bee an obscure man; yet being the Cardinals Chaplaine, he is sufficient enough forsooth to an­swere [Page 15] an English booke, that lacketh the name of an Authour: as if a personated obscure name for Auhour of a Cardinals booke, were a meet match for answering a Kings booke, that lacketh the name of an Authour; and a Cardinals Chap­laine to meete with the Deane of the Kings Chappell, whome Parsons with the Cardinall haue (as it seemeth) agreed vpon to intitle to bee the Authour of my Apologie. And not onely in the Preface, but also through the whole Booke doeth he keepe this comparatiue greatnesse. He must bee as short in his answere, as I am in my booke, he must refute all that I haue said against the Popes second Breue, with equall breuity, and vpon one page almost, as I haue done mine: and because I haue set downe the substance of the Oath in 14. Articles in iust as many Articles must he set downe that Acte of Parliament of mine, wherein the Oath is contained: And yet, had hee contented himselfe with his owne pride, by the demonstration of his owne greatnesse, without further wronging of me, it had bene the more to­l [...]rable. But what cause gaue I him to farce his whole booke with iniuries, both against my per­son and booke? For whereas in all my Apologie [Page 16] I haue neuer giuen him a foule word, and especi­ally neuer gaue him the Lye: he by the contrary giueth me nine times the Lye in expresse termes, and seuen times chargeth mee with a falshood, which phrase is equiualent with a Lye. And as for all other words of reproch; as nugae, con­uitia, temeritas, vanitas, impudentia, blasphe­miae, sermonis barbaries, cum eadem foelici­tate scribendi, cauillationes, applicatio inep­ta, fingere historias, audacia que in hominem sanae mentis cadere non potest, vel sensu cō ­muni caret, imperitia & leuitas, omnem om­nino pudorem & conscientiam exuisse, malâ fide nobiscum agit vt lectoribus per fas & ne­fas imponat: of such like reproches, I say, I doubt if there be a page in all his booke free, ex­cept where he idlely sets down the Popes Breues and his owne Letter. And in case this might onely seeme to touch the vnknowen Authour of the booke, whom notwithstanding he knew well enough, as I shew before; he spareth not my Per­son with my owne name:P. 47. sometimes saying, that Pope Clement thought me to be inclined to their Religion: P. 98. sometimes, that I was a Puri­tane in Scotland, and a persecutor of Pro­testants. [Page 17] In one place he concludeth,P. 87. Quia Ia­cobus non est Catholicus, hoc ipso Haereti­cus est. In another place,P. 98. Ex Christiano Cal­uinistam fecerunt. In another place hee saith,Ibid. Ne (que) omnino verum est, Iacobum nunquam deseruisse Religionem quam primò suscepe­rat. And in another place, after that hee hath compared and ranked me with Iulian the Apo­state, he concludeth, Cum Catholicus non sit, P. 97. ne (que) Christianus est. If this now be mannerly dealing with a King, I leaue it to you to iudge, who cannot but resent such indignities done to one of your quality.

And as for the matter of his booke, it well fits indeed the manner thereof: for he neuer answe­reth directly to the maine question in my booke. For whereas my Apologie handleth onely two points, as I told you before; One, to proue that the Oath of Allegiance doeth onely meddle with the ciuil and temporal obedience, due by Subiects to their naturall Soueraignes; The other, that this late vsurpation of Popes ouer the temporall power of Princes, is against the rule of all Scrip­tures, ancient Councels and Fathers: hee neuer improoues the first, but by a false inference; that [Page 18] the Oath denieth the Popes power of excommunication directly, since it denyeth his authoritie in deposing of Kings. And for the second point, he bringeth no proofe to the contrary, but, Pasce oues meas: and, Tibi dabo claues regni coelo­rum: and, That no Catholike euer doubted of it. So as I may truely say of him, that he either vn­derstandeth not, or at least will not seeme to vn­derstand my Booke, in neuer directly answering the maine question, as I haue already sayd; and so may I iustly turne ouer vpon himselfe that doome of ignorance, which in the beginning of his Booke he rashly pronounceth vpon me, saying that I neither vnderstand the Popes Breues, his Letter, nor the Oath it selfe; And as hee deligh­teth to repeat ouer and ouer, I know not how oft, and triumpheth in this wrong inference of his; That to deny the Popes power to depose Kings, [...] [...]o deny the Popes Primacie, and his spirituall power of Excommunication: So doeth he, vpon that ground of Pasce oues meas, giue the Pope so ample a power ouer Kings, to throne or de­throne them at his pleasure (and yet onely sub­iecting Christian Kings to that slauerie) as I doubt not but in your owne Honours yee will re­sent [Page 19] you of such indignities; the rather since it concernes so many of you as professe the Romish religion, farre more then me. For since hee ac­counteth me an heretike, & like Iulian the Apo­state; I am consequently extra caulam, and none of the Popes flocke, and so am in the case of Ethnicke Princes, ouer whom he confesseth the Pope hath no power. But yee are in the Popes folde; and you, that great Pastour may leade as sheepe to the slaughter, when it shall please him. And as the asses eares must be hornes, if the Lion list so to interpret it; so must ye be remoued as scabbed sheepe from the flocke, if so be the Pope thinke you to be, though your skinne be indeed neuer so sound.

Thus hath hee set such a new goodly inter­pretation vpon the words of CHRIST, Pasce oues meas, as if it were as much to say, as depose Christian Kings; and that Quodcun (que) solue­ris gaue the Pope power to dispense with all sorts of Othes, Vowes, Penalties, Censurers & Lawes, euen with the naturall obedience of Subiects to their Souereigne Lords; much like to that new coined glosse that his brother Senten. Card. Baron, super ex­com: Venet. Baronius made vpon the words in S. Peters vision, Surge Pe­tre, [Page 20] occide & manduca; That is, (said hee to the Pope) Goe kill and confound the Venetians.

And because I haue in my Booke (by citing a place in his controuersies) discouered him to be a small friend to Kings, hee is much commoued. For whereas in his said Controuersies, speaking de Clericis, Lib. de Cler. cap. 28. hee is so bold as to affirme, that Church-men are exempted from the power of earthly Kings; and that they ought them no sub­iection euen in temporall matters, but onely virationis and in their owne discretion, for the preseruation of peace and good order; because, I say, citing this place of his in my Booke, I tell with admiration, that he freeth all Church-men from any subiection to Kings, euen those that are their borne-Subiects: hee is angry with this phrase, and sayth it is an addition for breeding enuie vnto him, and raising of hatred against him. For saith hee, although Bellarmine affir­med generally, that Church-men were not sub­iect to earthly Kings; yet did he not insert that particular clause [though they were borne and dwelling in their dominions] as if the words of Church-men and earthly Kings in generall imported not as much: for Layicks as well as [Page 21] Church-men are subiect to none but to their na­turall Soueraigne. And yet doeth he not sticke to confesse that he meant it, though it was not fit (he saith) to be expressed.

And thus quarrels hee me for reuealing his Printed secret. But whose hatred did he feare in this? was it not yours? Who haue interest, but KINGS, in the withdrawing of true Subiection from Kings? And when the greatest Monarchs amongst you will remember, that almost the third part of your Subiects and of your Ter­ritories, is Church-men and Church-liuings; I hope, yee will then consider and weigh, what a feather hee puls out of your wings, when he denu­deth you of so many Subiects and their possessi­ons, in the Popes fauour: nay, what bryers and thornes are left within the heart of your Domi­nions, when so populous and potent a partie shall haue their birth, education and liuelyhood in your Countries, and yet owe you no Subiection, nor acknowledge you for their SOVE­RAIGNES? So as where the Church-men of old were content with their tythe of euery mans goods; the Pope now will haue little lesse then the third part of euery Kings Subiects and Domi­nions. [Page 22] And as in this place so throughout all the rest of his booke, hee doeth nothing but ampli­fie the Popes power ouer Kings, and exaggerate my vnreasonable rigour for pressing this Oath; which he will needes haue to bee nothing but a renewed Oath of Supremacie in more subtill and craftie termes onely to robbe the Pope of his Primacie and spirituall power: making his tem­porall power and authoritie ouer Princes, to bee one of the chiefe ARTICLES of the Catholike faith.

But that it may the better appeare vnto you, that all my labour and intention in this errand, was onely to meddle with that due temporall Obe­dience which my Subiects owe vnto mee; and not to entrap nor inthrall their Consciences, as he most falsly affirmes: Ye shall first see how farre other Godly and Christian Emperours and Kings were from acknowledging the Popes tem­porall Supremacie ouer them; nay, haue created, controlled and deposed Popes: and next, what a number of my Predecessors in this Kingdome haue at al occasions, euen in the times of the grea­test Greatnesse of Popes, resisted and plainely withstood them in this part.

[Page 23]And first, all Christian Emperours were for a long time so farre from acknowledging the Popes Superioritie ouer them, as by the contrary the Popes acknowledged themselves for their Vas­sals, reuerencing and obeying the Emperours as their Lords; for proofe whereof, I remit you to my Apologie.

And for the creating of Popes; the Empe­rours were in so long and continuall possession thereof, as I will vse for my first witnesse a Pope himselfe; who (in a Sigebert, ad ann. 773. Walthram. Naumburg. lib. de Episc, inue­stitura. Mart. Polon. ad ann. 780. Theod. à Niem. de pri­uileg. & Iurib. Imper. & dist. 30. C. Ha­drian. 2. Synod of an hun­dreth fifty and three Bishops and Abbots) did ordaine, That the Emperour CHARLES the Great should haue the Right of choosing the Pope, and ordaining the Apostolicall Seate, and the dignitie of the Romane Principalitie: nay, farther hee ordained, That all Archbi­shops and Bishops should receiue their Inue­stiture from the Emperour, or els be of no a­uaile; And, that a Bishop wanting it should not bee consecrate; pronouncing an Ana­thema against all that should disobey this Sen­tence.

And that the Emperours assent to the Popes Election was a thing ordinary for a long time, [Page 24] See Platin. in v [...]t. Pel [...]g. 2. Gregor. 1. & Seuerini. Platina, and a number of the Popes owne wri­ters beare witnesse: And Lib. de Cle­ricis. Bellarmine himselfe, in his booke of Controuersies, cannot get it handsomely denied. Nay, the Popes were e­uen forced then to pay a certaine summe of mo­ney to the Emperours for their Confirmati­on: And this lasted almost seuen hundreth yeeres after CHRIST; witnesse In Chron. ad ann. 680. Sigebert and in vit. Aga­thon & Anast. in vit. eiusd. A­gath. & Herm. Contract ad ann. 678. aedit. poster. & Dist. 63. c. Agatho. Luitprandus, with other Popish Histo­rians.

And for Emperours deposing of Popes, there are likewise diuers examples. The Emperour Iuitpr. Hist. lib. 6 c. 10, 11. Rhegino ad an. 963. & Platin in vit. Ioan. 13. Ottho deposed Pope Iohn the twelfth of that name, for diuers crimes and vices; especially of lecherie. The Emperour Marianus Scot. Sigeb. Abbas. Vrsp. ad ann. 1046. & Platin in vit. Greg. 6. Henry the third in a short time deposed three Popes; Benedict the ninth, Siluester the third, and Gregory the sixt, as well for the sinne of Auarice, as for abusing their extraordinarie authoritie against Kings and Princes.

And as for Kings that haue denied this tem­porall Superioritie of Popes; First, we haue the vnanime testimonie of diuers famous Histori­ographers for the generall of many Christian Kingdomes. As, Walthram. Naumburg. in lib. Walthram testifieth That [Page 25] the Bishops of Spaine, Scotland, England, li [...]. de inuest. Episc. Vixit circae ann. 1110. Hungary, from ancient institution till this moderne noueltie, had their Inuestiture by Kings, with peaceable inioying of their temporalities wholly and entirely; and who­soeuer (saith hee) is peaceably solicitous, let him peruse the liues of the Ancients, and read the Histories, and hee shall vnderstand thus much. And for verification of this gene­rall assertion; we will first begin at the practise of the Kings of France, though not named by Walthram in this his enumeration of King­domes: amongst whom my first witnesse shall be that vulgarly knowen Letter of See Annales Franciae Nico­lai. Gillij in Philip. Pulchro. Philip le Bel King of France to Pope Boniface the viij. the beginning whereof, after a scornefull saluta­tion, is Sciat tua maxima fatuitas, nos in tem­poralibus nemini subesse.

And likewise after that Anno 1268 ex arrestis Se­natus Pari­siens. Lewes the ninth, surnamed Sanctus, had by a publike instrument (called Pragmatica Sanctio) forbidden all the exactions of the Popes Court within his Realme: Pope Pius Ioan. Maie­rius, lib. de Scismat. & Concil. the ij in the beginning of Lewes the eleuenth his time, greatly misliking this Decree so long before made, sent his Legate [Page 26] to the said King Lewes with Letters patents, vrging his promise which he had made when he was Dolphin of France, to repeale that San­ction if euer hee came to bee King. The King referreth the Legate ouer with his Letters-pa­tents to the Councel of Paris: where the mat­ter being propounded, was impugned by Ioan. Romanus, the Kings Atturney; with whose opinion the Vniuersitie of Paris concurring, an Appeale was made from the attempts of the Pope to the next generall Councell; the Cardinall de­parting with indignation.

But that the Kings of France and Church therof haue euer stoken to their Gallican immu­nitie, in denying the Pope any temporall power o­uer them, and in resisting the Popes as oft as euer they prest to meddle with their tempo­rall power, euen in the donation of Benefices; the Histories are so full of them, as the onely ex­amples thereof would make vp a bigge Volume by it selfe. And so farre were the Sorbonists for the Kings and French Churches priuiledge in this point, as they were wont to maintain; That if the Pope fell a quarrelling the King for that cause, the Gallican Church might elect a Pa­triarch [Page 27] of their owne, renouncing any obedi­ence to the Pope. And Gerson was so farre from giuing the Pope that temporall authoritie ouer Kings (who otherwise was a deuoute Ro­man Catholike) as hee wrote a Booke de Aufe­ribilitate Papae; not onely from the power ouer Kings, but euen ouer the Church.

And now permitting all further examples of forraigne Kings actions, I will onely content mee at this time with some of my owne Prede­cessors examples of this Kingdom of England, that it may thereby the more clearly appeare, that euen in those times, when the worlde was fullest of darkened blindnesse and ignorance, the Kings of England haue oftentimes, not on­ly repined, but euen strongly resisted and with­stoode this temporall vsurpation and encroach­ment of ambitious Popes.

And I will first begin at Matt. Teris. in Henr. 1. anno [...]100. King Henry the first of that name, after the Conquest; who after he was crowned gaue the Bishopricke of Winchester to William Gifford, and forth­with inuested him into all the possessions be­longing to the Bishopricke, contrarie to the Canons of the new Synod, Idem ibid. ann. 1113. King Hen­rie [Page 28] also gaue the Archbishopricke of Canter­burie to Radulph Bishop of London; and gaue him inuestiture by a Ring and a Crosiers staffe.

Also Pope Idem. ibid. anno. 119. Calixtus held a Councell at Rhemes, whither King Henry had appointed certaine Bishops of England and Norman­die to goe; Thurstan, also, elected Archbi­shop of Yorke, got leaue of the King to goe thither, giuing his faith that hee would not receiue Consecration of the Pope; And comming to the Synode, by his liberal gifts (as the fashion is) wanne the Romanes fauour, and by their meanes obtained to bee Consecrate at the Popes hand. Which as soone as the King of England knewe, hee forbad him to come within his Do­minions.

Moreouer King Edward the first, prohibited the Abbot of Ex Archiuis Regni. Waltham and Dean of Pauls, to collect a tenth of euery mans goods for a sup­ply to the holy Land, which the Pope by three Bulles had committed to their charge; and the said Deane of Pauls compering before the King and his Councell, promised for the reue­rence [Page 29] he did beare vnto the King, not to meddle any more in that matter, without the Kings good leaue and permission. Here (I hope) a Church-man disobeyed the Pope from obedience to his Prince euen in Church matters: but this new Iesuited Diuinitie was not then knowen in the world.

The same Edward I. impleaded the Deane of the Chappell of Vuluerhampton, because the said Deane had, against the priuiledges of the Kingdome, giuen a Prebend of the same Chappell to one at the Popes command: where­upon the said Deane compeered, and put himselfe in the Kings will for his offence.

The said Edward I. depriued also the Bishop of Durham of all his liberties, for disobeying a prohibition of the Kings. So as it appeareth, the Kings in those dayes thought the Church men their SVBIECTS, though now wee be taught other Seraphicall doctrine.

For further proofe whereof Iohn of Ibstocke was committed to the goale by the saide King, for hauing a suite in the Court of Rome seauen yeares for the Rectorie of Newchurch.

And Edward II. following the footsteps of [Page 30] his Father; after giuing out a Summons against the Abbot of Walden, for citing the Abbot of S. Albons and others in the Court of Rome, gaue out letters for his apprehension.

And likewise, because a certaine Prebend of Banbury had drawen one Beuercoat by a Plea to Rome without the Kings Dominions, there­fore were Letters of Caption sent foorth against the said Prebend.

And Edward III. following likewise the ex­ample of his Predecessors; Because a Parson of Liche had summoned the Prior of S. Oswalds before the Pope at Auinion; for hauing before the Iudges in England recouered the arrerage of a pension; directed a Precept, for seasing vpon all the goods both spirituall and Temporall of the said Parson, because hee had done this in preiudice of the King and Crowne. The saide King also made one Harwoden to bee declared culpable and worthy to bee puni­shed, for procuring the Popes Bulles against a Iudgment that was giuen by the Kings Iudges.

And likewise; Because one entred vpon the Priory of Barnewell by the Popes Bull, the said [Page 31] Intrant was committed to the Tower of Lon­don, there to remaine during the Kings plea­sure.

So as my Predecessours (ye see) of this King­dome, euen when the Popes triumphed in their greatnes, spared not to punish any of their Sub­iects, that would preferre the Popes obedience to theirs euen in Church matters: So farre were they then from either acknowledging the Pope for their temporal Superior, or yet from doubting that their owne Church-men were not their Sub­iects. And now I will close vp all these examples with an Act of Parliament in King Richard 2. his time; whereby it was prohibited, That none should procure a Benefice from Rome, vnder paine to be put out of the Kings protection. And thus may yee see, that what those Kings succes­siuely one to another by foure generations haue acted in priuate, the same was also maintained by a publike Law.

By these few examples now (I hope) I haue sufficiently cleared my selfe from the imputation, that any ambition or desire of Noueltie in mee should haue stirred me, either to robbe the Pope of any thing due vnto him, or to assume vnto [Page 32] my selfe any further authoritie, then that which other Christian Emperours and Kings through the world, and my owne Predecessours of Eng­land in especiall, haue long agone maintained. Neither is it enough to say (as Parsons doeth in his answere to the Lord Cooke) That farre more Kings of this Countrey haue giuen many more examples of acknowledging, or not resi­sting the Popes vsurped Authoritie; some per­chance lacking the occasion, and some the abilitie of resisting them: for euen by the ciuill Law, in the case of violent intrusion and long and wrong­full possession against mee, it is enough if I proue that I haue made lawfull interruption vpon con­uenient occasions.

But the Cardinall thinkes the Oath, not one­ly vnlawfull for the substance thereof, but also in regard of the Person whom vnto it is to bee sworne: For (saith he) The King is not a Ca­tholike; And in two or three other places of his booke, he sticketh not to call me by my name very broadly, an Heretike, as I haue already tolde. But yet before I be publikly declared an Here­tike; by the Popes owne Law my people ought not to refuse their Obedience vnto me. And [Page 33] (I trust) if I were but a Subiect, and accused by the Pope in his Conclaue before his Cardi­nals, he would haue hard prouing me an He­retike, if he iudged mee by their owne ancient Orders.

For first, I am no Apostate, as the Cardinall would make mee; not onely hauing euer been brought vp in that Religion which I presently professe, but euen my Father and Grandfather on that side professing the same: and so cannot be properly an Heretike by their owne doctrine, since I neuer was of their Church. And as for the Queene my Mother of worthie memorie, although she continued in that Religion wherin she was nourished, yet was shee so farre from be­ing superstitious or Iesuited therein, that at my Baptisme (although I was baptized by a Popish Archbishop) shee sent him word to forbeare to vse the spettle in my Baptisme; which was o­beyed, being indeed a filthy and an apish trick, ra­ther in scorne then imitation of CHRIST. And her owne very words were, That shee would not haue a pockie Priest to spet in her childs mouth. As also the Font wherin I was Christe­ned, was sent from the late Queene heere of fa­mous [Page 34] memorie, who was my Godmother; and what her Religion was, Pius V. was not igno­rant. And for further proofe, that that renow­med Queene my Mother was not superstitious, as in all her Letters (whereof I receiued many) she neuer made mention of Religion, nor labou­red to perswade me in it; so at her last words, she cōmanded her Master-houshold, a Scottish Gentleman my seruant, and yet aliue, shee com­manded him (I say) to tell me; That although she was of another Religion then that wherein I was brought vp; yet she woud not presse me to change, except my owne conscience forced mee to it. For so that I led a good life, and were care­full to doe iustice and gouerne well, she doubted not but I would be in a good case with the pro­fession of my owne Religion. Thus am I no A­postate, nor yet a deborder from that Religion which one part of my Parents professed, and an other part gaue me good allowance of. Neither can my Baptisme in the rites of their Religion make me an Apostate, or Heretike in respect of my present profession, since wee all agree in the substance thereof, being all baptized In the Name of the Father, the Sonne, and the [Page 35] holy Ghost: vpon which head there is no va­riance amongst vs.

And now for the point of Heretike, I will ne­uer bee ashamed to render an account of my pro­fession, and of that hope that is in me, as the Apo­stle prescribeth. I am such a CATHOLIKE CHRISTIAN, as beleeueth the three Creeds; That of the Apostles, that of the Councell of Nice, and that of Athanasius; the two latter be­ing Paraphrases to the former: And I beleeue them in that sense, as the ancient Fathers and Councels that made them did vnderstand them. To which three Creedes all the Mini­sters of England doe subscribe at their Ordina­tion. And I also acknowledge for Orthodoxe all those other formes of Creeds, that either were deuised by Councels or paticular Fathers, a­gainst such particular Heresies, as most reigned in their times.

I reuerence and admit the foure first generall Councels as Catholike and Orthodoxe. And the said foure generall Councels are acknowledged by our Acts of Parliament, and receiued for Or­thodoxe by our Church.

As for the Fathers, I reuerence them as much [Page 36] and more then the Iesuites doe, and as much as themselues euer craued. For what euer the Fa­thers for the first fiue hundreth yeeres did with an vnanime consent agree vpon, to be beleeued as a necessary point of saluation, I either will be­leeue it also, or at least will be humbly silent; not taking vpon me to condemne the same: But for euery priuate Fathers opinion, it bindes not my conscience more then Bellarmines; euery one of the Fathers vsually contradicting others. I wil therefore in that case follow S. Lib. 2. con. Cresconium. cap. 32. Augustines rule in iudging of their opinions, as I finde them agree with the Scriptures: what I find agreeable thereunto I will gladly imbrace; what is other­wise I will (with their reuerence) reiect.

As for the Scriptures; no man doubteth I will beleeue them. But euen for the Apocrypha; I hold them in the same account that the Ancients did. They are still printed and bound with our Bibles, and publikely read in our Churches. I re­uerence them as the writings of holy and good men: but since they are not found in the Canon, we account them to be secundae lectionis, or Lib. 1. de ve [...]b. Dei. c. 4. ordinis (which is Bellarmines owne distincti­on) and therefore not sufficient whereupon [Page 37] alone to ground any article of Faith, except it be confirmed by some other place of Canonicall Scripture; Concluding this point with Ruffinus (who is no Nouelist, I hope) That the Apocry­phall Bookes were by the Fathers permitted to be read; not for Confirmation of Doctrine, but onely for instruction of the people.

As for the Saints departed; I honour their memory, and in the honour of them doe we in our Church obserue the dayes of so many of them, as the Scripture doth canonize for Saints; but I am loath to beleeue all the tales of the Legended Saints.

And first for the blessed Virgin MARIE, I yeeld her that which the Angel Gabriel pro­nounced of her, and which in her Canticle shee prophecied of her selfe: that is, That Luc. 1.28. she is bles­sed amongst women, and Ibid. ver. 48. That all generations shall call her blessed. I reuerence her as the Mo­ther of CHRIST, whom of our Sauiour tooke his flesh, and so the Mother of GOD, since the Diuinitie and Humanitie of CHRIST are in­separable. And I freely confesse, that shee is in glory both aboue Angels and men, her owne Sonne (that is both GOD and man) only excep­ted. [Page 38] But I dare not mocke her and blaspheme against GOD, calling her not onely Diua but Dea, and praying her to command and controule her Sonne, who is her GOD, and her SAVI­OVR. Nor yet can I thinke, that she hath no o­ther thing to doe in heauen, then to heare euery idle mans suite and busie her selfe in their er­rands; whiles requesting, whiles commaunding her sonne, whiles comming downe to kisse and make loue with Priests, and whiles disputing and brawling with Deuils. In heauen she is in e­ternall glory and ioy, neuer to bee interrupted with any worldly busines; and there I leaue her with her blessed SONNE our Sauiour and hers in eternall felicitie.

As for Prayer to Saints; Christ (I am sure) hath commaunded vs to Come all to him that are loaden with sinne,Matth 11.28. Colos. 28.23. and hee will relieue vs: and S. Paul hath forbidden vs to worship Angels, or to vse any such voluntary worship, that hath a shew of humilitie in that it spareth not the flesh. But what warrant wee haue to haue recourse vnto these Dij Penates or Tutelares, these Courtiers of God, I know not; I remit that to these philosophicall neoterike Diuines. It satis­fieth [Page 39] me to pray to God through Christ as I am commanded, which I am sure must bee the safest way; and I am sure the Safest way is the best way in points of saluation. But if the Romish Church hath coined new articles of faith, neuer heard of in the first 500. yeeres after Christ, I hope I shal neuer be condemned for an Heretike, for not being a Nouelist. Such are the priuate Masses, where the Priest playeth the part both of the Priest and of the people; And such are the Amputation of the one halfe of the Sacra­ment from the people; The Transsubstantia­tion, Eleuation for Adoration, and Circum­portation in procession of the Sacrament; the works of Supererogation, rightly named The­saurus Ecclesiae, the baptising of Bels, and a thousand other trickes: But aboue all the wor­shipping of Images. If my faith bee weake in these, I confesse I had rather beleeue too litle then too much. And yet since I beleeue as much as the Scriptures do warrant, the Creeds do perswade, and the ancient Councels decreed, I may well be a Schismatike from Rome, but I am sure I am no Heretike.

For Reliques of Saints, If I had any such [Page 40] that I were assured were members of their bodies I would honorably bury them, and not giue them the reward of condemned mens members, which are onely ordained to be depriued of buriall: But for worshipping either them or Images, I must account it damnable idolatry.

I am no Iconomachus, I quarrell not the making of Images, either for publike decoration, or for mens priuate vses: But that they should be worshipped, bee prayed to, or any holinesse at­tributed vnto them, was neuer knowen of the Ancients: and the Scriptures are so directly, ve­hemently and punctually against it, as I wonder what braine of man, or suggestion of Sathan durst offer it to Christians; and all must be sal­ued with nice Philosophicall distinctions: As, I­dolum nihil est: and, They worship (forsooth) the Images of things in being, and the Image of the true GOD. But the Scripture forbiddeth to worship the Image of any thing that GOD created. It was not a nihil then that GOD forbade onely to be worshipped, neither was the brasen Serpent, nor the body of Moses a nihil; and yet the one was destroyed, and the other hid­den for eschewing of Idolatrie. Yea, the Image [Page 41] of GOD himselfe is not onely expresly forbid­den to be worshipped, but euen to be made. The reason is giuen, That no eye euer saw GOD; and how can wee paint his face, when Moses (the man that euer was most familiar with GOD) neuer saw but his backe parts? Surely, since he cannot bee draawen to the viue, it is a thanke­lesse labour to marre it with a false representati­on; which no Prince, nor scarce any other man will be contented with in their owne pictures. Let them therefore that maintaine this Doctrine, answere it to CHRIST at the latter day, when he shall accuse them of Idolatry; And then I doubt if he will be payed with such nice sophisticall Di­stinctions.

But Christs Crosse must haue a particular priuiledge (say they) and bee worshipped ratione contactus. But first we must know what kinde of touching of Christs body drew a vertue from it; whether euery touching, or only touching by faith? That euery touching of his body drew not vertue from it, is more then manifest. When Luke 8. the woman in the bloody flux touched him, shee was healed by her faith: But Peter then tolde him that a crowd and throng of many people [Page 42] then touched him; and yet none of them receiued any benefit or vertue from him. Iudas touched him many and many a time, besides his last kisse; so did the villaines that buffeted and crucified him, and yet I may safely pronounce them accur­sed, that would bestow any worshippe vpon their reliques: yea, wee cannot denie but the land of Canaan it selfe (whereupon our Lord did daily tread) is so visibly accursed, being go­uerned by faithlesse Turkes, full of innumerable sects of hereticall Christians, and the very fer­tilitie thereof so far degenerated into a pitiful sterilitie,Luc. 11.28. as he must be accursed that accounteth it blessed. Nay, when a certaine woman blessed the belly that bare Christ, and the breasts that gaue him sucke; Nay rather (saith he) Blessed are those that heare the Word of God and keepe it. Except then they could first prooue that Christ had resolued to blesse that tree of the Crosse whereupon he was nailed; they can neuer proue that his touching it could giue it any ver­tue. And put the case it had a vertue of doing mi­racles, as Peters sh [...]dow had, yet doth it not fol­low, that it is lawfull to worship it, which Peter would neuer accept of. Surely the Prophets that [Page 43] in so many places curse those that worship Ima­ges that haue eyes and see not, that haue eares and heare not, would much more haue cursed them that worship a piece of a sticke, th [...]t hath not so much as any resemblance or representati­on of eyes or eares.

As for Pugatorie and all the Iubilees, In dulgences, satisfactions for the dead, &c. trash depen­ding thereupon, it is not worth the talking of, Bellarmine cannot finde any ground for it in all the Scriptures. Onely I would pray him to tell me; If that faire greene Meadow that is in Pur­gatorie, haue a brooke running thorow it,Lib. 2 de Pur­gat cap. 7. that in case I come there, I may haue hawking vpon it. But as for me; I am sure there is a Heauen and a Hell, praemium & poena, for the Elect and re­probate: How many other roomes there bee, I am not on God his counsell.Iohn 14. Multae sunt man­siones in domo Patris mei, saith CHRIST who is the true Purgatorie for our sinnes: But how many chambers and anti-chambers the De­uill hath, they can best tell that goe to him: But in case there were more places for soules to goe to then wee know of, yet let vs content vs with that which in his Word hee hath reuealed vnto vs, and not inquire further into his secrets. [Page 44] Heauen and Hell are there reuealed to be the e­ternall home of all mankinde: let vs indeauour to winne the one and eschew the other; and there is an end.

Now in all this discourse haue I yet left out the maine Article of the Romish faith; and that is the Head of the Church or Peters Prima­cie; for who denieth this, denieth fidem Catho­licam, saith Bellarmine. That Bishops ought to be in the Church, I euer maintained it, as an Apostolike institution, and so the ordinance of GOD; contrary to the Puritanes, and likewise to Bellar lib. 4. de Rom. Pont. cap. 25. Bellarmine; who denies that Bishops haue their Iurisdiction immediatly from God. (But it is no wonder he takes the Puritanes part, since Iesuits are nothing but Puritan-Papists,) And as I euer maintained the state of Bishops and the Ecclesi­asticall Hierarchie for order sake; so was I euer an enemy to the confused Anarchie or paritie of the Puritanes, as well appeareth in my [...]. Heauen is gouerned by order, and all the good Angels there; nay, Hell it selfe could not subsist without some order; And the very De­uils are diuided into Legions and haue their chiefetaines: how can any societie then vpon [Page 45] earth subsist without order and degrees? And therefore I cannot enough wonder with what brasen face this Answerer could say,Page 98. That I was a Puritane in Scotland, and an enemy to Protestants: I that was persecuted by Puritanes there, not from my birth only, but euen since foure moneths before my birth? I that in the yeere of GOD 84 erected Bishops, and depressed all their popular Paritie, I then being not 18. yeeres of age? I that in my said Booke to my Sonne, doe speake tenne times more bitterly of them nor of the Papists; hauing in my second Edition therof affixed a long Apologetike Preface, onely in o­dium Puritanorum? and I that for the space of sixe yeares before my comming into England, la­boured nothing so much as to depresse their Pa­ritie, and re-erect Bishops againe? Nay, if the daily Commentaries of my life and actions in Scotland, were written (as Iulius Caesars were) there would scarcely a moneth passe in all my life, since my entring into the 13. yeare of my age, wherein some accident or other would not conuince the Cardinall of a lye in this point. And surely I giue a faire commendation to the Puraitnes in that place of my booke, where I af­firme [Page 46] that I haue found greater honesty with the high-land and border theeues, then with that sort of people. But leauing him to his own impudence, I returne to my purpose.

Of Bishops and Church Hierarchie I very well allowe (as I saide before) and likewise of Rancks and Degrees amongst Bishops. Patri­arches (I know) were in the time of the Primi­tiue Church, and I likewise reuerence that insti­tution for order sake: and amongst them was a contention for the first place. And for my selfe (if that were yet the question) I would with all my heart giue my consent that the Bishop of Rome should haue the first Seate: I being a Westerne King would go with the Patriarch of the West. And for his temporall Principalitie ouer the Signory of Rome, I doe not quarrell it neither; let him in God his Name be Primus Episcopus inter omnes Episcopos, and Prin­ceps Episcoporum; so it be no other wise but as Peter was Princeps Apostolorum. But as I well allow of the Hierarchie of the Church for distinction of Orders (for so I vnderstand it) so I vtterly denie that there is an earthly Mo­narch thereof, whose word must be a Law, and [Page 47] who cannot erre in his Sentence, by an infallibi­litie of Spirit. Because earthly Kingdomes must haue earthly Monarches; it doeth not follow, that the Church must haue a visible Monarch too: for the world hath not ONE earthly tem­porall Monarch. CHRIST is his Churches Monarch, and the holy Ghost his Deputie: Reges gentium dominantur eorū, Luk. 22.25. vos autem non sic. CHRIST did not promise before his ascension, to leaue Peter with them to direct and instruct them in all things; but hee promised to send the holy Ghost vnto them for that end.Iohn 14.26.

And as for these two before cited places, wher­by Bellarmine maketh the Pope to triumph o­uer Kings; I meane Pasce oues, and Tibi dabo claues: the Cardinall knowes well enough,Matth. 18.18. that the same words of Tibi dabo, are in another place spoken by Christ in the plural number. And he likewise knowes what reason the Ancients doe giue, why Christ bade Peter pascere oues: and also what a cloude of witnesses there is, both of Ancients, and euen of late Popish writers, yea di­uers Cardinals, that do all agree that both these speeches vsed to Peter, were meant to all the Apostles represented in his person: Otherwise [Page 48] how could Paul direct the Church of Corinth to excommunicate the incestuous person cum spiritu suo, 1. Cor. 5.4. whereas hee should then haue said, cum spiritu Petri? And how could all the Apo­stles haue otherwise vsed all their censures, only in Christs Name, and neuer a word of his Vi­car? Peter (wee reade) did in all the Apostles meetings sit amongst them as one of their num­ber: And when chosen men were sent to Anti [...] ­chia from that great Apostolike Councell at Ierusalem (Acts 15. Act. 15.22, 23.) The text saith, It seemed good to the Apostles and Elders with the whole Church, to send chosen men, but no mention made of the Head therof; and so in their Letters no mention is made of Peter, but onely of the Apostles, Elders, and Brethren. And it is a wonder, why Paul rebuketh the Church of Corinth for making exception of Persons, be­cause some followed Paul, some Apollos, some Cephas, 1 Cor. 1.12. if Peter was their visible Head, for then those that followed not Peter or Cephas, renounced the Catholike faith. But it appeareth well that Paul knew little of our new doctrine, since he handleth Peter so rudely,Galat. 2. [...] as he not onely compareth but preferreth himself vnto him. But [Page 49] our Cardinall prooues Peters superioritie,Gal 1.18. by Pauls going to visite him. Indeed Paul saith, hee went to Ierusalem to visite Peter, and conferre with him; but he should haue added, and to kisse his feet.

To conclude then, The truth is that Peter was both in age, and in the time of CHRISTS cal­ling him, one of the first of the Apostles; In or­der the principall of the first twelue, and one of the three whom CHRIST for order sake prefer­red to al the rest. And no further did the Bishop of Rome claime for three hundred yeares after CHRIST: Subiect they were to the generall Councels, and euen but of late did the Councell of Constance depose three Popes, and set vp the fourth. And vntil Phocas dayes (that mur­thered his master) were they subiect to Empe­rours. But how they are now come to be Christs Vicars, nay Gods on earth, triple-Crowned, Kings of heauen, earth and hell, Iudges of all the world, and none to iudge them, Heads of the fayth, Absolute deciders of all Con­trouersies by the infallibility of their spirit, ha­uing all power both Spirituall and Temporall in their hands, the high Bishops, Monarches [Page 50] of the whole earth, Superiours to all Empe­rours and Kings; yea, Supreme Vice-gods, who whether they will or not cannot erre: how they are now come (I say) to this toppe of great­nesse, I know not: but sure I am, Wee that are KINGS haue greatest neede to looke vnto it. As for mee, Paul and Peter I know, but these men I know not: And yet to doubt of this, is to denie the Catholique faith; Nay, the world it selfe must be turned vpside downe, and the order of Nature inuerted (making the left hand to haue the place before the Right,Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 1. cap 17. and the last named to be the first in honour) that this primacie may be maintained.

Thus haue I now made a free Confession of my Faith: And (I hope) I haue fully cleared my selfe from being an Apostate; and as far from being an Heretike, as one may bee that beleeueth the Scriptures, and the three Creedes, and ac­knowledgeth the foure first generall Councels. If I bee loath to beleeue too much, especially of Nouelties, men of greater knowledge may well pitie my weakenesse; but I am sure none will condemne me for an Heretike, saue such as make the Pope their God; and thinke him such a spea­king [Page 51] Scripture, as they can define Heresie no o­therwise, but to bee whatsoeuer Opinion is maintained against the Popes definition of faith. And I will sincerely promise, that when euer any point of the Religion I professe, shalbe proued to be new, and not Ancient, Catholike, and Apo­stolike (I meane for matter of Faith) I will as soone renounce it; closing vp this head with the Maxime of Vincentius Lirinensis, Libello aduer­sus haereses. that I will neuer refuse to imbrace any opinion in Diuinity necessary to saluation, which the whole Catholike Church with an vnanime consent, haue con­stantly taught and beleeued euen from the Apo­stles daies, for the space of many ages thereafter without interruption. But in the Cardinals opi­nion, I haue shewed my selfe an Heretike (I am sure) in playing with the name of Babylon, and the Towne vpon seuen hils; as if I would infi­nuate Rome at this present to bee spiritually Babylon. And yet that Rome is called Baby­lon, 1. Pet. 5.13. both in S. Peters Epistle and in the Apoca­lyps, our Answerer freely confesseth. As for the definition of the Antichrist, I wil not vrge so ob­scure a point, as a matter of Faith to be necessa­rily beleeued of al Christians; but what I thinke [Page 52] herein, I will simply declare.

That there must be an ANTICHRIST, and in his time a generall Defection; we all agree. But the Time, Seat, and Person of this Anti­christ, are the chiefe Questions whereupon we differ: and for that, wee must search the Scrip­tures for our resolution.2. Thes. 2. As for my opinion; I thinke S. Paul in the 2. to the Thessalonians doeth vtter more clearely that which S. [...]ohn speaketh more mystically of the Antichrist.

First that in that place he meaneth the Antichrist, it is plain, since he saith there must be first a Defection;Verse 3. and that in the Anti­christs time onely that eclipse of Defection must fall vpon the Church, all the Romish Catho­likes are strong enough: otherwise their Church must be daily subiect to erre, which is cleane con­trary to their maine doctrine. Then d [...]scri­bing him (he saith) that The man of Sin, Verse 3, 4. Fili­us perditionis, shal exalt himselfe aboue all that is called God. Psal. 82.6. But who these be whom of the Psalmist saith Dixi, vos Dijestis, Bellar­mine can tell. In old Diuinitie it was wont to be Kings: Bellarmine wil adde Church-men; Let it be both. It is well enough knowen, who [Page 53] now exalteth himselfe aboue both the swords.

And after that S. Paul hath thus described the Person, he next describeth the Seat; and tel­leth that He shall sit in the Temple of GOD, 2. Thes. 2.4. that is, the bosome of the Church; yea, in the very heart thereof. Now where this Apostolike Seat is, I leaue it to be guessed: And likewise who it is that sitting there, sheweth himselfe to be God; pardoning sinnes, redeeming Soules, and defining Faith, controuling and iudging all men, and to be iudged of none.

Anent the Time, S. Paul is plainest of all. For he calleth the Thessalonians to memo [...]y,Verse 5. That when he was with them hee told them these things: and therefore they know (saith hee) what the impediment was, Verse 6. and who did withhold that the man of sinne was not re­uealed, although the mystery of iniquitie was already working. Verse 7. That the Romane Empe­rours in S. Pauls time needed no reuealing to the Christians to be men of Sinne or sinfull men, no child doubteth: but the reuelation he speaketh of was a mysterie, a secret; It should therefore seeme that hee durst not publish in his Epistle what that impediment was. It may be hee meant [Page 54] by the translating of the Seate of the Romane Empire, and that the translation there of should leaue a roume for the man of Sinne to sit downe in. And that he meant not that man of Sinne of these Ethnicke Emperours in his time, his introduction to this discourse maketh it more then manifest. For he saith (fearing they should be deceiued, thinking the day of the Lords se­cond comming to be at hand) he hath there­fore thought good to forewarne them that this generall Defection must first come. Whereby it well appeareth that hee could not meane by the present time but by a future, and that a good long time. otherwise he proued ill his argument, that the Lords comming was not at hand. Neither can the forme of the Destruction of this man of Sinne agree with that maner of spoile, that the Gothes & Vandals made of For so doeth Tortus call Rome when it was spoiled by them, though it was Christian many yeres before. Ethnick Rome. For our Apostle saith, Verse 8. That this wicked man shalbe consumed by the Spirit of the Lords mouth, and abolished by his comming. Now I would thinke that the word of God and the Preaching thereof, should bee meant by the Spirit of the Lords mouth, which should peece and peece consume and diminish the power of [Page 55] that man of Sinne, till the brightnesse of the Lordes second comming, should vtterly abolish him. And by his expressing the meanes of his working, he doeth likewise (in my opinion) ex­plane his meaning very much. For he saith,Vers. 8.9. It shall be by a strong delusion, by lying won­ders, &c. Well, what Church it is that vanteth them of their innumerable miracles, and yet most of them contrary to their owne doctrine: Bellarmine can best tell you with his hungry Mare,Bellar. lib. 3. de Euchar. cap. 8. that turned her taile to her prouender and kneeled to the Sacrament; And yet (I am sure) he wil be ashamed to say, that the holy Sacrament is ordeined to be worshipped by Oues & Boues, & caetera pecora campi.

Thus haue I prooued out of S. Paul now, that the time of the Antichrists comming, and the generall Defection was not to bee till long after the time that he wrote in; That his Seat was to be in the Temple and Church of God; and, That his Action (which can best poynt at his Person) should be to exalt himselfe aboue all that were called Gods. S. Iohn indeed doth more amply, though mystically describe this Antichrist, which vnder the figure of a monstrous Beast, with se­uen [Page 56] heads and ten hornes, he sets forth in the xiij. chap. and then interpreteth in the xvij. where he cals her a Whore sitting vpon many waters, Reuel. 17.51. and riding vpon the saide monstrous Beast; Vers. 3. concluding that Chapter with calling that Wo­man,Vers. 18. that great city which reigneth ouer the Kings of the earth. Vers 5. And both in that Chapter, and in the beginning of the next, hee calles that great City,Cap. 18.52. Babylon.

So as to continue herein my formerly proposed Methode, of the Time, Seat, and Person of An­tichrist; this place doth clearely and vndeniably declare that Rome is, or shalbe the Seat of that Antichrist. For first, no Papist now denieth that by Babylon here Rome is directly meant; and that this Woman is the Antichrist, doeth clearely appeare by the time of his working (de­scribed by 42. moneths in the xiij. Chap.Vers. 5.) which doeth iustly agree with that three yeeres and a halfes time, which all the Papistes giue to the Reigne of Antichrist. Besides that, the Beast it selfe with seuen heads and ten hornes, hauing one of her heads wounded and healed againe, is de­scribed iust alike in the xiij. and xvij. chap. being in the former prooued to be the Antichrist by [Page 57] the time of her reigne; and in the latter Rome by the name of Babylon, by the confession of all the Papists: so as one point is now cleare, that Rome is the Seat of the Antichrist.

Neither will that place in the xj. Chap. serue to shift off this poynt, and proue the Antichrists Seate to bee in Ierusalem, where it is saide; That the Corpses of the Witnesses shall lie in the great Citie,Chap. 11.8.spiritually Sodome and E­gypt, where our Lord also was crucified. For the word spiritually is applied both to Sodome, Egypt, and Ierusalem in that place; And when he hath named Sodome and Egypt, hee doeth not subioyne Ierusalem with a single vbi; but with an vbi &, as if hee would say; and this Antichrists abomination shall bee so great, as his Seate shall be as full of Spirituall whoredomes and Idolatries, as Sodome and Egypt was; nay, and so bloodie in the persecution of the Saints, as our Lord shall bee crucified againe in his members. And who hath so meanely read the Scriptures (if he haue euer read them at all) that knoweth it not to bee a common phrase in them, to call CHRIST persecuted and slaine, when his Saints are so vsed? So did CHRIST say,Matt. 25.40. [Page 58] speaking of the latter day; and in the same style did hee speake to S. Paul at his conuersion.Acts 9.4. And that Babylon, or Rome (since Bellarmine is contented it bee so called) is that great Citie, where our Lord was crucified, the last verse of the xviij. Chap. doeth also clearely proue it. For there it is said,Reuel. 18.24. That in that Citie was found the blood of the Prophets, & of the Saints, and of all that were slaine vpon the earth; and I hope CHRIST was one of them that were slaine vpon the earth. And besides that, it may well bee saide that hee was slaine in that great Citie Babylon, since by the Romane au­thoritie he was put to death, vnder a Romane Iudge, and for a Romane quarrell: for he could not bee a friend to Caesar, that was not his enemie.

This poynt now being cleared of the Anti­christs Seate, as I haue already sayd; wee are next to find out the Time when the Antichrist shall raigne, if it bee not already come. In the xiij. Chap. S. Iohn saith, that this Beast with the seuen heads and tenne hornes,Cap. 13.3. had one of his heads wounded and healed againe; and interpreting that in the xvij. hee saith, that these [Page 59] seuen heads are also seuen Kings, Cap. 17, 10. whereof fiue are fallen, one is, and an other is not yet come, and when he commeth hee shall con­tinue a short space. And the beast that was and is not, is the eight, Verse 11. and yet one of the se­uen. By which Beast hee meaneth the Anti­christ, who was not then come, I meane in the A­postles dayes, but was to come after. So as be­tweene the time of the Apostles and the ende of the world, must the Time of the Antichrists comming be; and with this the Papists doe also agree. Whereby it appeareth that Babylon, which is Rome, shall bee the Seate of the Anti­christ; but not that Ethnicke Rome which was in the Apostles dayes (for Iohn himselfe professeth that he is to write of nothing,Reuel. 1.1. & cap. 41. but that which is to come after his time.) Nor yet that turning Christian Rome while she was in the conuerting, which immediatly followed the Apo­stles time, glorious by the Martyrdome of so many godly Bishops: But that Antichristian Rome, when as the Antichrist shall set downe his seat there; after that by the working of that Mysterie of iniquitie, Christian Rome shall become to bee corrupted; and so that deadly [Page 60] wound, which the Gothes and Vandales gaue Rome, shall be cured in that Head or King, the Antichrist, who thereafter shall arise & reigne for a long space.

But here it may be obiected, that the Anti­christ cannot reigne a long space; since S. Iohn saith in two or three sundry places, that the An­tichrist shall worke but the space of three yeeres and a halfe. Surely who will but a little ac­quaint himselfe with the phrases and Style of S. Iohn in his Apocalyps, cap. 7. shall finde that he doeth ordinarily set downe numerum certum pro in­certo. cap. 9.16.18. So doeth he in his twelue thousand of e­uery tribe that will be safe; so doeth hee in his Army of two hundred thousand, that were sent to kill the third part of the men, and so doeth hee in diuers other places. And therefore who will but remember that in all his Visions in the said Booke, hee directly imitates the fashions of the Prophet Ezekiels, Daniels, and Zacharies Vi­sions (borowing their phrases that prophecied before CHRIST, to vtter his Prophecies in, that was to speake of the last dayes) shall finde it very probable that in these three dayes and a halfe hee imitated Daniels Weekes, accoun­ting [Page 61] for his Week the time between CHRISTS first and second comming, and making Anti­christ to triumph the halfe of that time or spiri­tuall Weeke. For as to that literall interpretation (as all the Papists make it) of three yeeres and a halfe, and that time to fall out directly the ve­ry last dayes, saue fiue and fortie, before CHRIST his second comming, it is directly repugnant to the whole New Testament. For CHRIST saith, That in the latter dayes men shall be feasting, marrying, & at all such worldly finesse, when the last houre shall come in a clappe vpon them; One shall bee at the Mill.Matth. 24.41. One vpon the toppe of the house, and so foorth.Matth. 25. CHRIST telleth a Parable of the fiue foolish Virgins to shew the vnlooked-for comming of this houre; Nay, he saith the Sonne of man, nor the Angels in heauen know not this time. S. Peter biddeth vs WATCH AND PRAY, euer awaiting vpon that houre. And S. Iohn in this same Apocalyps doeth Reuel. 3.3. and 16.15. twise tell vs, that CHRIST will come as a theefe in the night; And so doeth CHRIST say in the Matth. 24.44 Euangel. Whereas if the Antichrist shall reigne three yeeres and a halfe before the latter day, and that [Page 62] there shall be but iust 45. daies of time after his destruction; then shall not the iust day and houre of the latter day, be vnknowen to them that shall be aliue in the world at the time of Antichrists destruction. For first according to the Papists doctrine, all the world shall know him to be the Antichist, both by the two Witnesses doctrine, and his sudden destruction; And consequently they cannot be ignorant, that the latter day shal come iust 45. dayes after: and so CHRIST shal not come as a theefe, nor the world be taken at vnawares; contrary to all the Scriptures before alleadged, and many more. And thus haue wee proued Rome to be the Seat of the Antichrist, and the second halfe of that spiritual Weeke be­tween the first and second comming of CHRIST, to be the time of his Reigne. For in the first halfe thereof the mystery of iniquitie beganne to worke; but the man of sinne was not yet re­uealed.

But who these witnesses should be is a great question. The generall conceit of the Papists is, that it must be Enoch and Elias: And herein is Bellarmine so strong, as hee thinketh him in a great error (if not an Heretike) that doubteth [Page 63] of it. But the vanitie of this Iewish fable I wil in few words discouer.

The Cardinall, Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 3. cap. 6. in his booke of Controuersies bringeth sowerplaces of Scripture for probation of this idle dreame: two in the Olde Testament, Malachie and Ecclesiasticus, and two in the New, CHRIST in Matthew (hee might haue added Marke too) and Iohn in the xi. of the Apocalyps. First, for the generall of all those places, I dare boldly affirme, That there is not a word in them, nor in all the rest of the Scrip­tures that saith, that either Enoch or Elias shall returne to fight against Antichrist, and shall be slaine by him, nor any such like matter. Next as to euery place in particular, to beginne with Malachie, I know not who can better inter­prete him then CHRIST, who twise in Mat­thew, chap. xi. and xvij. and once in Marke tels both the multitude,Mat. 11.14. and 17.12. Mar. 9.13. and his owne Disci­ples, that Iohn Baptist was that promised E­lias. And herein doth Bellarmine deale most vnfaithfully with CHRIST: for his demon­stration that Antichrist is not yet come, because E [...]och and Elias are not yet returned; hee, for his probation thereof, citeth these wordes of [Page 64] Christ in the xvij of Matthew, Elias shall in­deed come and restore all things; but omits his very next words interpreting the same, That he is alreadie come in the person of Iohn Bap­tist. Nay, wherby he taketh vpon him to answere Biblianders obiection, that CHRIST did by Iohn the Baptist, vnderstand the prophecie of Elias comming to be accomplished, he picketh out the words, Qui habet aures, audiat, in the xi. of Matthew, immediatly following that purpose of Elias, making of them a great mystery: and neuer taketh knowledge, that in the xvij. by him selfe before alledged, CHRIST doth interpret Malachy in the same maner without any subioy­ning of these words, Qui habet aures, audiat; adioyning shamelesly hereunto a fowle Para­phrase of his owne, telling vs what CHRIST would haue saide; nay, in my conscience, hee meant what CHRIST should and ought to haue said, if he had beene a good Catholike, set­ting downe there a glosse of Orleance that de­stroyes the Text. Thus ye see, how shamefully he abuseth CHRISTS wordes, who in three sundry places (as I haue said) interpreteth the se­cond comming of Elias to be meant by Iohn the [Page 65] Baptist. Hee likewise cauils most dishonestly vpon that word Venturus. For CHRIST v­seth that word but in the repeating their opini­on: but interpreting it, that hee was alreadie come in the person of Iohn Baptist. Matt. 17.11. As if hee had said, The prophesie is indeed true that Elias shall come; but I say vnto you that Elias iam venit, meaning of Iohn Baptist: and so he first repeates the words of the Prophesie in the future time, as the Prophet spake them and next shew­eth them to be now accomplished in the Person of Iohn, in the present time.Malac. 4.5. Matth 27. Neither can these words of Malachie [Dies magnus & horri­bilis] falsifie CHRISTS Commentarie vpon him. For if that day whereupon the Sauiour of the world suffered, when theThis obscuring of the Sunne was so extraordinary and fearfull, that Dionysius, onely led by the light of nature and humane lear­ning, cryed out at the sight thereof, Aut Deuspa­titur, aut vi­ces patientis dolet. Sunne was totally obscured from the sixt houre to the ninth; the vaile of the Temple rent asunder from the top to the bottome; and the earth did quake, the stones were clouen, the graues did open themselues and the dead arose· If that day (I say) was not a great and horrible day, I know not what to cal a horri­ble day. Which day no doubt had destroyed the whole nation of the Iewes without exception by a iust Anatheme, Mala. 4.6. if the said Iohn the fore run­ner [Page 66] had not first conuerted many, by the doctrine of Repentance and by Baptisme. But why should I presume any more to interprete Mala­chy, since it is sufficient that CHRIST him­selfe hath interpreted him so? And since Ipse dixit; nay, ter dixit, per quem facta sunt om­nia, what mortall man dare interprete him o­therwise; nay, directly contrary?

Eccle. 48 9.Now for that place of Ecclesiasticus; as the sonne of Syrach onely borroweth it from Ma­lachie (as appeareth by these wordes of his,Mala. 4.6. of conuerting the sonnes hearts to their Fa­thers, which are Malachies owne words) so doth CHRISTS Comentary serue as well to interprete the one as the other: it being no shame for that mortall Iesus to bee commented and interpreted by the immortall and true IE­SVS, though to the shame and confusion of the Iesuits heresies herein.

But Enoch must bee ioyned to Elias in this errand, onely to beare vp the couples, as I thinke. For no place of Scripture speaketh of his returning againe, only it is said in Ecclesia­sticus the xliiij, that Enoch pleased GOD, and was translated to Paradise, Eccles. 44 16 vt daret Gen­tibus [Page 67] sapientiam, or poenitentiam; since they will haue it so. And what is this to say? marry that Enoch shall returne againe to this worlde, and fight against the Antichrist. A prettie large Comment indeed, but no right Commen­tary vpon that Text. When Bellarmine was talking of Elias; he insisted, That Elias must come to conuert the Iewes principally, restituere tri­bus Iacob. But when he speaketh here of E­noch, he must dare Gentibus poenitentiam, and not a word of Iewes. Belike they shal come for sundry errands, and not both for one: Or like Paul and Peter, the one shall be Apostle for the Iewes, and the other for the Gentiles. What need such wilde racked Commentaries for such three wordes? Will not the sense stand well and clearely enough, that Enoch pleased GOD and was translated to Paradise; that by the ex­ample of his reward, the Nations might repent and imitate his holy footsteps? For what could more mightily perswade the Nations to repent; then by letting them see that holy Man carried quicke vp to Heauen, for reward of his vp­rightnesse; whereas all the rest of the people died and went to corruption? And where Scrip­ture [Page 68] faileth, the Cardinall must helpe himselfe with the Fathers, to proue both that Enoch and Elias are yet aliue, and that they shall hereafter die; but with the like felicitie, as in his alledging of Scriptures; to vse his owne wordes of me in his P. 27. pamphlet. For which purpose hee citeth fiue Fathers; Irenaeus, Tertullian, Epiphanius, Hierome and Agustine. Vpon this they all agree in deed, that Enoch and Elias are still a­liue both, which no Christian (I hope) will denie. For Abraham, Isaac, and Iacob are all still a­liue,Mat. 22 32. as Christ telleth vs; for God is Deus vi­uentium, non mortuorum. Much more then are Enoch and Elias aliue, who neuer tasted of death after the manner of other men. But as to the next point, that they should die hereafter, his first two witnesses, Irenaeus and Tertullian say the direct contrary.Lib. 5. For Irenaeus saith, that they shall remaine in Paradise till the consummation, conspicātes in corruptionem. Now to remain there till the consummation, and to see incorrup­tion, is directly contrary to their returning to the world againe and suffering of death.Lib. cont. Ia­daeos. cap. 2. Tertullian likewise agreeing hereunto saith most clearely, That Enoch hath neuer tasted of death, vt aeter­nitatis [Page 69] candidatus: now hee is ill priuiledged with eternitie, if he must die againe; As for his places cited out of the other three Fathers, they all confirme that first point, That they are still a­liue: but that they must die againe, they make no mention.

But here speaking of the Ancient Fathers, let mee take this occasion to forewarne you concer­ning them: That though they mistake and vn­derstand not rightly many mysteries in the Apo­calyps, it is no wonder. For the booke thereof, was still sealed in their dayes. And though the Mysterie of iniquitie was alreadie working,2. Thes. 2. yet was not the man of Sinne yet reuealed. And it is a certaine rule in all darke prophesies; That they are neuer clearely vnderstood, till they be accomplished.

And thus hauing answered his two places, in the Olde Testament, by his thirde in the New Testament, containing Christs owne words: which being, luce clariora, I neede speake no more of them. I am now to speake of the fourth place of Scripture, which is in the xj. of the A­pocalyps. For the two witnesses (forsooth) there mentioned, must be Enoch and Elias. Reuelat. 11. [Page 70] But how this can stand with any point of Diuinity or likelihood of Reason that these two glo­rified Bodies shall come downe out of heauen or Paradise (make it what you will) preach, and fight against the Antichrist, bee slaine by him after many thousand yeeres exemption from the naturall course of death, rise againe the third day in imitation of Christ; & then (hauing wrought many woonders) to goe vp againe to Heauen; making an ordinary Poste betwixt Heauen and Earth: how this (I say) can agree either with Diuinitie or good Reason, I confesse it passeth my capacity. And especially that they must bee clad in Sackcloth, whose bodies (I hope) haue beene so long agone so free from sinne, as I thinke they should neede no more such mac [...]ration for sinne. For they must be now either in Heauen or Paradise. If in Heauen (as doubtlesse they are) their bodies must bee glorified: for no corruptible thing can enter there;Reuel. 21.27. and consequently they can no more be subiect to the sensible things of this world, especially to death. But if they be in earthly Paradise, wee must first know where it is.

Lib de Gra. [...]rimi homini: Bellarmine indeede in his Controuersies is [Page 71] much troubled to find out the place where Para­dise is, and whether it be in the earth, or in the ayre. But these are all vanities. The Scriptures tell vs,Gene. 2. that Paradise and the garden of Eden therein, was a certaine place vpon the earth, which God chose out to set Adam into, and ha­uing thereafter for his sinne banished him from the same, it is a blasphemy to thinke that any of Adams posteritie came euer there againe. For in Adam were all his posteritie accursed, and banished from the earthly Paradise: like as all the earth in generall, and Paradise in speciall were accursed in him; the second Adam hauing by grace, called a certaine number of them to bee Coheritors with him of the heauenly Paradise and Ierusalem. And doubtlesly, the earthly Para­dise was d [...]faced at the Flood, if not before: and so lost all that exquisite fertility and pleasantnes, wherein it once surpassed all the rest of the earth. And that it should be lifted vp in the aire, is like one of the dreames of the Alcoran. Surely no such miracle is mentioned in the Scriptures, and hath no ground but from the curious fancies of some boyling braines, who cannot be content,Rom. 12.3. Sa­pere ad sobrietatem.

[Page 72]In heauen then for certaine are Enoch and Elias: Gene. 5.24. for Enoch (saith the text) walked with GOD and was taken vp,2. King. 2.11, 10. and Elias was seene carried vp to heauen in a fiery chariot. And that they who haue beene the In-dwellers of Heauen these many thousand yeeres, and are freed from the Lawes of mortalitie; that these glorious and incorruptible bodies (I say) shall come into the worlde againe, preach and worke miracles, and fighting against the Anti­christ bee slaine by him, whome naturall death could not before take hold of: as it is a fabulous inuention, so is it quite contrary to the nature of such sanctified creatures. Especially I wonder, why Enoch should be thought to bee one of these two witnesses for CHRIST. For it was Moses and Elias that were with Christ at the transfi­guration, signifying the Law and the Prophets: which would be the fittest witnesses for conuin­cing of Antichrist. But why they haue exemp­ted Moses, and put Enochs head in the yoake, I cannot conceiue. But I haue too much laboured in the refuting of this foolish, and indeed childish fable, which I am so farre from beleeuing in any sort, as I protest in GODS presence, I cannot [Page 73] hold any learned Diuine (in our age now) to be a Christian, that will beleeue it; but worthy to bee ranked with the Scribes & Pharises, that raued and dreamed vpon the comming againe of Elias, though CHRIST told them the contrary. As for some of the Ancients that mistooke this matter, I doe not censure them so hardly; for the reason that I haue already alledged concerning them.

And hauing now refuted that idle fable; that those two Witnesses were Enoch and Elias: it falleth mee next to guesse, what in my opinion should be meant by them. I confesse, it is farre easier to refu [...]e such a groundlesse fable as this is, contrary to all grounds of Diuinity and Reason, then to set downe a true interpretation of so high and darke a mystery. And therefore as I will not presume to binde any other man to my opinion herein, if his owne reason leads him not thereun­to, so shall I propone such probable coniectures, as (I hope) shall be free from Heresie, or vnlaw­full curiosity.

In two diuers fashions may the mysterie of these Witnesses be lawfully and probably inter­preted, in my opinion. Whereof the one is, that by these two Witnesses should be meant the Olde [Page 74] and New Testaments. For as the Antichrist cannot chuse but bee an aduersary to the word of GOD, aboue all things; so will he omit no ende­uour to disgrace, corrupt, suppresse and destroy the same. And now whether this Booke of the two Testaments, or two Witnesses of Christ, haue suffered any violence by the Babylonian Monarchy or not, I need say nothing; Res ipsa loquitur. I will not weary you with recounting those Common Places vsed for disgracing it: as calling it a Nose of waxe, a dead Letter, a lea­den Rule, and a hundred such like Phrases of reproch. But how far the Traditions of men, and Authority of the Church are preferred to these witnesses, doeth sufficiently appeare in the Ba­bylonian doctrine. And if there were no more but that little booke with that pretie Inscription, Del' Insuffisance del' Escriture Sainte, Cardinall Peron. it is enough to proue it. And as to the corrupting thereof;Luke 15.8. the corruptions of the old Latine tran­slation must not be corrected, though it bid euer­tere domum in stead of euerrere, for seeking of a penny;Iohn 21.22, 23. And though it say of Iohn, Sic eum volo manere donec veniam, in place of Si, though it bee knowen a plaine lye, and that the [Page 75] very next wordes of the Text disprooue the same. Nay, so farre must we be from correcting it, as that the vulgar Translation must be pre­ferred by Catholikes, to the Bible in the owne Originall tongue. And is it a small corrupting of Scriptures to make all, or the most part of the A­pocrypha of equall faith with the Canonicall Scriptures, contrary to the Fathers opinions and Decrees of ancient Councels? And what bla­sphemous corrupting of Scripture is it, to turne Dominus into Domina throughout the whole Psalmes? Made by Bo­nauentura Doctor Sera­phicus. And thus our Ladies Psalter was lately reprinted in Paris. Is not this to confound CHRISTS person with hers? And as for sup­pressing of the Scriptures how many hundreth yeeres were the people kept in such blindnesse, as these witnesses were almost vnknowne? for the Layicks durst not, being forbidden, and the most part of the Cleargie, either would or could not meddle with them.

Thus were these two witnesses of Christ (whom of himselfe saith,Iohn 5.39. Scrutamini Scriptu­ras, illae enim testimonium perhibent de me) These Reue. 11.4. two Oliues bringing peace to all the be­leeuers, euen peace of Conscience: These Ibid. two [Page 76] Candlesticks standing in the sight of GOD, and giuing light to the Nations; represented by Can­dlestickes euen in the very Order of the Roman Masse: See Expositio M [...]ssae, annex­ed to Ordo Ro­manus, set forth by G. Cassander. Thus were these two Witnesses (I say) disgraced, corrupted and suppressed (nay, so sup­pressed and silenced, as he was brent for an He­retike that durst presume to looke vpon them) kept close in a strange tongue that they might not be vnderstood, Legends and lying woonders supplying their place in the Pulpits.Verse 8. And so did their Bodies lie in the Streetes of the great Citie, spiritually Sodome, for spiri­tuall fornication which is idolatrie; spiritually Egypt, Colos. 2.20. for bringing the Saints of God in bon­dage of humane Traditions [Quare oneramini ritibus? Verse 8. ] So did their bodies (I say) lie 3. daies and a halfe; that is, the halfe of that spirituall Weeke betweene Christ his first and second com­ming; and as dead carkases indeed did the Scrip­tures then lye without a monument, being layed open to all contempt, cared for almost by none, vnderstood by as few; nay, no man durst call for them for feare of punishment, as I haue al­ready said. And thus lying dead, as it were, without life or vigour (as the Law of God did [Page 77] till it was reuiued in Iosias time)2 Chro 34.14. The Inhabi­tants of the earth, that is, worldly men,Verse 10. reioy­ced and sent gifts to other, for ioy that their fleshly libertie was now no more awed, nor cur­bed by that two edged sword: for they were now sure, that to doe what they would, their purse would procure them pardons from Babylon. Omnia vaenalia Romae; so as men needed no more to looke vp to heauen, but downe in their purses to finde Pardons. Nay, what needed any more suing to heauen, or taking it by violence and feruencie of zeale; when the Pardons came and offered themselues at euery mans doores? And diuers spirituall men vaunted themselues, that they neither vnderstood Olde Testa­ment nor new.

Thus were these two Witnesses vsed in the second halfe of this spirituall Weeke; who in the first halfe thereof were clad in sackecloth; Verse 3. that is, preached repentance to all Nations, for the space of fiue or sixe hundreth yeeres after Christ: GOD making his Word or Wit­nesse so triumph,Reuel. 6.2. riding vpon the white Horse in the time of the Primitiue Church, as that they ouercame all that opposed themselues vnto it, [Page 78] beating downe euery high thing,2. Cor. 10.4. as Paul sayth; excluding from heauē all that beleeue not there­in: as strongly with the spirituall fire thereof, conuincing the stiffenecked pride of vnbelee­uers, as euer Moses or Elias did, by the plagues of Egypt and famine, conuince the rebellious Egyptians and stiffe-necked Israelites.

Neither shall it be enough to disgrace, corrupt and suppresse them;Reuel. 11.7. but KILLED must they be at the last. To which purpose commeth forth Printed at Venice Anno 1562. Censura generalis, vt mucrone censorio iugulare eas possit; and cutteth their throates indeed. For the Authour ordaineth all Transla­tions, but their owne, to be burnt, which is yet commonly practised: nay he professeth, he com­meth not to correct but to destroy them, control­ling and calling euery place of Scripture Hereti­call, that disagreeth front their Traditions (with almost as many foule wordes and railing epi­thetes, as the Cardinal bestoweth on my Apo­logie) not ruling, nor interpreting Scripture by scripture, but making their Traditions to be such a touchstone for it, as he condemneth of Heresie not only those places of Scripture that he citeth, but layeth the same generall condemnation vpon [Page 79] all other the like places wheresoeuer they be writ­in the Scriptures. And yet (praised bee GOD) we beginne now with our eyes, as our prede­cessors haue done in some ages before, to see these Witnesses rise againe, and shine in their former glory: GOD, as it were,Verse 11. setting them vp a­gaine vpon their feete, 12. and raising them to the heauens in a triumphall cloud of glory, like Elias his fiery chariot. Which exalting of the Gospel againe,13. hath bred such an earthquake and alteration amongst many Nations; as a tenth part, or a good portion of these that were in subiection to that great Citie, to wit, Baby­lon, are fallen from her; seuen thousand, that is, many thousands hauing beene killed vpon the occasion of that great alteration; and many others conuerted to the feare of GOD, and giuing glory to the GOD of heauen. This now is one of the wayes, by which (I thinke) this place of Scripture may be lawfully and probably interpreted.

The other is more common, and seemeth more literally to agree with the Text. And this is to interpret, not the word of GOD, but the Prea­chers thereof to bee meant by these Witnesses. [Page 80] Few they were that first beganne to reueale the man of Sinne, and discouer his corruptions; and therefore well described by the number of two Witnesses: Deut. 19.15. Nam in ore duorum aut trium testiū stabit omne verbum. And in no greater number were they that begun this worke, then the greatnesse of the errand did necessarily re­quire,Reuel. 11.3. They prophecied in sackcloth, for they preached Repentance. That diuers of them were put to cruell deaths, is notorious to the world· And likewise that (in the persons of their Suc­cessours in doctrine) Sauguis Martyrum est semen Eccles. they rose againe; and that in such power and efficacie, as is more then miraculous.Verse 11. For where it is accounted in the Scriptures a miraculous work of GOD wrought by his holy Spirit,Actes 2.41. when the Apostle S. Peter con­uerted about three thousand in one day; these Witnesses I speake of, by the force of the same Spirit, conuerted many mighty Nations in few yeeres: who still continue praising GOD, that he hath deliuered vs from the tyranny of An­tichrist that raigneth ouer that great Citie; and with a full crie proclaiming, Goe out of her my people, Reuel. 18.4. lest ye be partaker of her sinnes and of her plagues. Let therefore these Mi­racle-mongers [Page 81] that surfet the world, and raise the prise of paper daily, with setting foorth olde, though new gilded Miracles and Legends of lies; [...] such (I say) consider of this great and won­derfull miracle indeede, and to their shame com­pare it with their paultry wares. Thus hauing in two fashions deliuered my coniecture, what I take to be meant by these two Witnesses in the xj of the Apocalyps, there being no great diffe­rence between them: In the one, taking it to bee the word of God it selfe; In the other, the word of God too, but in the mouthes of his Preachers: It resteth nowe that I come to the third point of the description of Antichrist, which is anent his Person.

That by the Whoore of Babylon that rideth vpon the Beast, is meant a Seat of an Empire, and a successiue number of men sitting thereup­on, and not any one man; doeth well appeare by the forme of the description of the Antichrist throughout all the sayd Booke. For in the last verse of the xvij.Cap. 17. Chapter the Woman is expounded to bee, That great Citie that reigneth ouer the Kings of the earth;Verse 18. which cannot signifie the only person of one man, but a succes­siue [Page 82] number of men (as I haue already saide) whose seat that great City must be: like as in the same Chapter,Verse 9. The seuen heads of the Beast are two wayes expounded. First, they are called seuen Hils, which is plaine; And next they are called seuen Kings, which cannot bee meant by the Kings that shall giue their power to the Beast, Verse 13. and bee subiect vnto her, which is imme­diately after expressed by the tenne hornes: Verse 12. But rather appeareth to be those seuen formes of gouernment of that Seat: fiue of which had al­ready been and fallen; As Kings, Consuls, Di­ctators, Decemuiri, and Tribuni militum. The sixt was in the time of S. Iohn his writing of this booke, which was the Gouernment of the Emperours. The seuenth which was not yet come, and was to last but for a short space, was theFrom the time of Con­stantine the great his re­mouing of the Empire from Rome to Constantinople, t [...] the time of Boniface the third, to w [...]t, [...] bout 276. yeeres Ecclesiasticall Gouernment by Bi­shops, which was to come vpon the translation of the Empire from Rome to Constantinople; though their gouernment was in a maner substi­tute to the Emperours. For though that forme of Gouernment lasted about the space of 276. yeeres; yet was it but short in comparison of the long time of the reigne of the Antichrist (not [Page 83] yet expired) which succeeded immediatly there­unto. And the eighth, which is the Beast that was and is not, and is to goe to perdition, Verse 11. is the Antichrist: the eighth forme of Gouerne­ment indeed by his absolutenesse, and yet the se­uenth, because hee seemeth but to succeed to the Bishops in an Ecclesiasticall forme of gouerne­ment, though by his greatnes hee shall make Ba­bylons Empire in glory, like to that Magnifi­cence wherein that great Citie triumphed, when it most flourished: which in S. Iohns time was much decayed, by the factions of the great men, the mutinies of the armies, and the vnworthi­nesse of the Emperours. And so that flourishing state of that great Citie or Beast, which it was in before S. Iohns time, and Being much Not in re­spect of the extent, and li­mites of the Empire: but in regard of the gouerne­ment therof, and glory of the citie. Reuel. xviij. Verse 9. and 11. Verse 10.16.19. de­cayed was but in a maner in his time, should bee restored vnto it againe by Antichrist: who as he ascendteh out of the botomlesse pit, so must hee goe to Destruction. And likewise by that great lamentation that is made for the destructi­on of Babylon in the xvij. Chapter, both by the Kings and by the Merchants of the earth; where it is thrice repeated for aggrauating the pitie of her desolation, that That great Citie [Page 84] fell in an houre: By that great lamentation (I say) it well appeareth, That the raigne of Antichrist must continue longer then three yeeres and a halfe, or any one mans time. For the Kings that had committed fornification with her,Verse 9. & in delicijs vixerant; behoued to haue had a longer time for contracting of that great acquaintance:Verse 12. And the Merchants of the earth set her foorth and describe her at great length, as the very staple of all their riches; which could not bee so soone gathered as in one mans time. And to conclude now this description of the An­tichrist; I will set downe vnto you all that is spoken of him in the Apocalyps in a short me­thode, for the further explaining of these three points that I haue already handled.

The Antichrist is foure times (in my opinion) described by Iohn in the Apocalyps, in foure sundrie visions; and a short Compendium of him repeated againe in the xx. Chapter.1. Description of Antichrist He is first described by a pale Horse in the vision of the Seales in the sixt Chapter.Reuel. cap. vj Verse 2. For after that CHRIST had triumphed vpon a white Horse in the first Seale, by the propagation of the Go­spel;Verse 4. and that the red Horse in the second Seale, [Page 85] is as busie in persecution, as CHRIST is in o­uercomming by the constancie of his Martyrs; and that famine and other plagues signified by the blacke Horse in the third Seale,Verse 5. haue suc­ceeded to these former persecutions:Verse 8. Then com­meth foorth the Antichrist vpon a pale Horse in the fourth Seale, hauing Death for his rider, and Hell for his conuoy; which rider fitted well his colour of palenesse: and he had power gi­uen Or them, after other Translations, whereby is ioyntly vnder­stood the said pale horse, to­gether with his rider and cōuoy, Death and Hell. him ouer the fourth part of the earth (which is Europe) to kill with the sword and vse great persecution; as Ethnick Rome did, figured by the red Horse: and to kill vvith spi­rituall hunger or famine of the true word of GOD; as the blacke Horse did by corporall fa­mine and with death, whereby spirituall death is meant. For the Antichrist, signified by this pale Horse, shall afflict the Church both by per­secution and temporall death; as also by allu­ring the Nations to idolatry, and so to spirituall death: and by the beasts of the earth shall hee procure their spirituall death; for hee shall send out the Locusts (ouer whom he is King) menti­oned in the ninth Chapter of this booke; and the three Frogges, mentioned in the xvj. of the [Page 86] same; for intising of all Kings and Nations to drinke of the cup of her abominations. That that decription now of Antichrist endeth there,Verse 9. it is more then plaine: for at the opening of the first Seale,Verse 10. the soules and blood of the murthered Saints cry for vengeance and hasting of iudgement;Verse 12. which in the sixt Seale is graun­ted vnto them by CHRISTS comming at the latter day; signified by heauens departing a­way, like a scrol when it is rolled: with a num­ber of other sentences to the same purpose.

The second description.But because this might seeme a short and ob­scure description of the Antichrist; hee descri­beth him much more largely & specifikely, espe­cially in the vision of the Trumpets in the ninth Chapter.Verse 1. For there hee saith, at the blow­ing of the fift Trumpet, Heresies being first spread abroad in three of the four former blasts; to wit, in the first, third, and fourth blast (for I take temporall perecution to be onely signified by the second blast) hee then saw a starre fall from Heauen, Verse 2. to whom was giuen the key of the bottomlesse pit; which being opened by him, Verse 3. with the smoke thereof came foorth a number of Locusts, whom he largely [Page 87] describeth, both by their craft and their strength; and then telleth the name of this their King, who brought them out of the bottomlesse pit, which is, Destroyer: By this Starre fallen from heauen, being signified, as I take it,Verse 11. some Person of great dignitie in the Church, whose duetie being to giue light to the world (as CHRIST saith) doeth contrary thereunto fall away like Lucifer, and set vp a Kingdome,Matth. 5.14. by the sending foorth of that noisome packe of craftie cruell vermine, described by Locusts: and so is the Seat of the Antichrist begun to bee erected, whose doctrine is at length declared in the second vvoe, after the blast of the sixt Trumpet; where it is saide,Verse. 13. Verse 20. That the rem­nant of men which were not killed by the plagues, repented not of the works of their hands, that they should not worship De­uils, and idols of golde, and of siluer, and of brasse, and of stone, and of wood, which neither can see, heare, nor goe. (As for worshipping of Deuils; Lib. de Cultu Adoration. lib. 3. disp. 1. cap. 5. looke your great Iesuited Doctor, Vasques: and as for all the rest, it is the maine doctrine of the Romane Church.) And then it is subioyned in this text, [Page 88] that they repented not of their murther, Verse 21. their sorcerie, their fornications, nor their theft.

By their murther, their persecution is meant, and bloody massacres. For their Sorcery consider of their Agnus Dei, that will sloken fire; of the hallowed shirts, and diuers sorts of Reliques; and also of Prayers that will preserue men from the violence of shot, of fire, of sword, of thunder, and such like dangers; And iudge, if this be not very like to Sorcerie and incantation of charmes.

By their Fornication is meant both their spirituall fornication of Idolatry, and also their corporall fornication; which doth the more a­bound amongst them, as well by reason of the re­straint of their Churchmen from marriage, as also because of the many Orders of idle Mona­stike liues amongst them, as well for men as wo­men: And continuall experience prooueth, that idlenesse is euer the greatest spurre to lecherie. And they are guiltie of Theft, in stealing from GOD the titles and greatnes of power due to him, and bestowing it vpon their head, the An­tichrist: As also by heaping vp their treasure with their iuggling wares and merchandise of [Page 89] the soules of men, by Iubiles, Pardons, Reli­ques and such like strong delusions.

That he endeth this description of Antichrist in the same ninth Chapter may likewise well ap­peare,Cap. 10. ver. 6 by the Oath that that Mightie Angell sweareth in the sixt verse of the tenth Chapter: And after the blast of the sixt Trumpet, that time shall be no more, Verse 7. and that when the se­uenth Angell shall blow his Trumpet, the my­sterie of GOD shalbe finished, as he had de­clared it to his seruants the Prophets. Cap. xj. Onely in the eleuenth Chapter he describeth the means whereby the Antichrist was ouercome, whose raigne he had before described in the ix. Chapter; and telleth vs that the two witnesses, Verse 3. after that they haue beene persecuted by the Anti­christ shall in the end procure his destruction. And in case any should thinke, that the Anti­christ is onely spoken of in the xj. Chapter, and that the Beast spoken of in the xiij. and xvij. Chapters doth onely signifie Ethnicke Rome; there needeth no other refutation of that con­ceit, then to remember them, that the Anti­christ is neuer named in all that xi. Chapter,Cap. xj. but where hee is called in the seuenth verse thereof [Page 90] the Beast that commeth foorth of the bot­tomles pit: Verse 7. which by the description of the place he commeth out of prooueth it to be the same Beast which hath the same originall in the xvij. Chapter, and in the very same words▪ so as it is euer but the same Antichrist repeated, and diuersly described in diuers visions.

The third de­scription.Now in the xij. and xiij. Chapters and so foorth till the xvij. he maketh a more large and ample propheticall description of the state of the Church, and raigne of the Antichrist. For in the xij.Cap. xij. Verse 6. Chap. he figureth the Church by a Woman flying from the Dragon (the Deuill) to the wil­dernesse; And when the Dragon seeth he cannot otherwise ouer-reach her,Verse 15. he speweth forth wa­ters like floods to cary her away; which signi­fieth many Nations, that were let loose to perse­cute and vex the Church. And in the xiij. Chap­ter,Cap. xiij. out of that Sea of Nations that persecuted her ariseth that great Citie (Queene of all the Nations, and head of that persecution) figured by a Beast with seuen heads and ten hornes, Verse 1. like a Leopard; Verse 2. as well for the colour because it was full of spots, that is, defiled with corruptions; as also vsing a bastard forme of gouernement, in [Page 91] shew spirituall, but in deed temporall ouer the Kings of the earth; like the Leopard that is a bastard beast betwixt a Lion and a Parde: ha­uing [...]eete like a Beare, to signifie his great strength; and the mouth of a Lion, to shew his rauenous and cruell disposition.

This Beast who had his power from the Dragon, and had gotten a deadly wound inVerse 3.one of his heads, or formes of gouernment (by the Gothes and Vandals) and yet was healed againe; opened his mouth to blasphemies, Verse 6. and made warre against the Saints: nay,Verse 7. all the world must worship him; which worship Ethnicke Rome neuer craued of any, being con­tented to call their neighbour Kings Amici & socij populi Romani. And whether worship or adoration, euen with that same title, hee vsed to Popes at their creation, our Cardinall can best tell you.

But then commeth another beast vp out of the earth, Verse 11. hauing indeed a more firme & set­led originall: for she doth visibly and outward­ly succeed to the true Church, and therefore she hath two hornes like the Lambe, in out­ward shew representing the spouse of CHRIST, [Page 92] and pretending CHRIST to bee her defence: But shee speaketh like the Dragon, teaching damnable and deuilish doctrine. And this A­postatike (I should say Apostolike) Church, after that she hath made her great power ma­nifest to the world,Verse 12. by doing all that the first Beast could doe, In conspectu eius; that is, by shewing the greatnesse of her power, to be no­thing inferiour to the greatnesse of the former Ethnicke Empire: shee then is mooued with so great a desire to aduance this Beast, now become Antichrist, as shee causeth the earth and all that dwell therein, to worship this former Beast or Roman Monarch; transferring so, as it were, her owne power in his person. Yea, euen Emperours and Kings shall be faine to kisse his feet. And for this purpose shall she worke great Miracles, wherin she greatly prides her selfe, de­ceiuing men with lying wonders and efficacie of lyes,2. Thes. 2.9 as S. Paul saith. And amongst the rest of her wonders,Verse 13. she must bring Fire out of hea­uen, Fulmen excommunicationis, which can dethrone Princes.Verse 15. So that all that will not wor­ship the image of the Beast, that is, his vnli­mited Supremacie, must be killed and burnt as [Page 93] Heretikes. Yea, so peremptory will this Beast or false Prophet be (so called in the xvj. Chapter of this booke) for the aduancement of the other Beast, or Antichrist; Verse 17 as all sorts and rankes of people must receiue the marke or name of that Beast in their right hand, or in their forehead; without the which it should bee lawfull to none to buy, or sell: Verse 16. By the Marke in the forehead, signifying their outward pro­fession and acknowledgement of their subiection vnto her; And by the Marke in their right hand, signifying their actuall implicite obedi­dience vnto her, who they thinke cannot erre, though shee should commaund them to rebell a­gainst their naturall Princes; like that Coeca obediencia wherunto all the Iesuits are sworne: and like those Romish priests in this Countrey, that haue renounced and forsworne againe that Oath of Alleagiance; grounded vpon their na­turall oath; which thought at their taking it, they confessed they did it out of conscience, and as ob­liged thereunto by their naturall duetie; yet now must they forsweare it againe, for obedience to the Popes command; to whose will their consci­ence and reason must be blindly captiuated. And [Page 94] who euer denied this absolute power, might nei­ther buy nor sell; for no man was bound to keepe any faith, or obserue any ciuill contracts with Heretikes: yea, to aequiuocate and com­mit periurie towards them, is a lawfull thing in a Catholike.

Now as to the Mystery anent the Number of his name, whether it shalbe vnderstood by the number composed of the Letters in that Greeke word ΛΑΤΕΙΝΟΣ,Verse 15. which word well sutes with the Romish Church,Irenaeus aduer­sus Haeres. lib. 5. Romish Faith, and Latine Seruice. Or whether, in respect that in the Text, it is called the number of the man, ye will take it for the number or date of the yeere of GOD, wherein that first Man liued, that first tooke the title of the Antichrist vpon him, I leaue it to the Readers choise. By that first Man, I meane Bonifacius tertius, who first called himselfe Vniuersall Bishop, which S. Gregorie that liued till within three yeeres of his time, Epistol. lib. 6. cap. 30. fore­told would be the style of the Antichrist, or his Praecursor: for though he died threescore yeeres before the 666. of CHRIST, yet was that Title but fully setled vpon his Successors, sixtie yeeres after his time. Or if yee list to count it [Page 95] from Pompey his spoiling of the Temple, to this same Mans time; it will goe very neere to make iust vp the said number 666.

Now the raigne of the Antichrist being thus prophetically described in the xiij. Chapter;Cap. xiiij. Verse 3. his fall is prophecied in the xiiij. First by the ioyfull and triumphall New song of the Saints in hea­uen: And next by the proclamation of three Angels;Verse 6. whereof the first hauing an euerla­sting Gospel in his hand to preach to all Na­tions (the true armour indeed wherewith the Witnesses fought against the Antichrist;) This first Angel, I say,Verse 7. proclaimed Feare and glory to GOD, since the houre of his Iudge­ment was come. Verse 8. And the second proclaimed the fall of Babylon, Verse 9. which is the destruction of the Antichrist. And the third prohibited vnder great paines, euen the paine of eternall damnation, that none should worship the Beast, or receiue his Marke. But though that in the rest of this Chapter the latter day be a­gaine prophecied, as a thing that shall come shortly after the reuealing of the man of Sinne; yet in the xv. Chap. he telleth of seuen plagues, Cap. xv. Verse 1. vnder the name of Vials, that shall first fall [Page 96] vpon the Antichrist and his kingdome: which, being particularly set downe in the xvj.Chap. xvj. Chapter, hereckoneth amongst the rest. In the fifth Vial, the plague of darkenesse;Verse 10. yea, such darkenesse as the kingdome of Antichrist shall bee obscured: whereby at the powring foorth of the sixt Vial, the way of the Kings of the East shalbe pre­pared;Verse 12. the man of Sinne being begun to be re­uealed, and so all impediments remooued that might let the inuasion of that Monarchie: euen as that great riuer Euphrates that runneth by the literall Babylon. guarded it from the Kings of the East, the Medes and Persians, the time of the Babylonian Monarchie, til by the drying thereof, or vnexspected passage made through it by Cyrus, Dan. 5.3. Babylon was wonne, and Baltasar destroyed, and his Monarchie ouerthrowne: euen while hee was sitting in that literall Babylon, corporally drunken and quaffing in the vessels ordained for GODS Seruice; and so sitting as it were in the Temple of GOD, and abusing the holy Mysteries thereof.

For remedy whereof, at the powring forth of the sixt Vial, Verse 13. three vnclean Spirits, like frogs, shall then come foorth out of the mouth of [Page 97] the Dragon, that Beast, and of the false Pro­phet; which I take to be as much to say, as that how soone as the kingdome of Antichrist shalb [...] so obscured, with such a grosse and a palpable ig­norance, as learning shall be almost lost out of the world, and that few of the very Priests themselues shall bee able to read Latine, much lesse to vnderstand it; and so a plaine way made for the Destruction of Babylon: Then shall a new sect of Spirits arise for the defence of that falling Throne, called three in number, by reason of their three-folde direction; beeing raised and inspired by the Dragon Sathan, au­thorized and maintained by the Beast the Anti­christ, and instructed by the false Prophet the Apostatike Church, that hath the hornes like the Lambe, but speaketh like the Dragon. These Spirits indeed, thus sent forth by this three-folde authoritie for the defence of their Triple crow­ned Monarch, are well likened to Frogs; for they are Amphibions, and can liue in either Ele­ment earth or water: for though they be Church­men by profession, yet can they vse the trade of politike Statesmen;Verse 14. going to the Kings of the earth, to gather them to the battell of that great [Page 98] day of GOD Almightie. What Massacres haue by their perswasions beene wrought through ma­ny parts of Christendome, and how euill▪ Kings haue sped that haue beene counselled by them, all the vnpartiall Histories of our time doe beare record. And whatsoeuer King or State will not receiue them, and follow their aduise, rooted out must that King or State be, euen with Gunpow­der ere it faile. And these Frogs had reason in­deed to labor to become learned, thereby to dissi­pate that grosse mist of ignorance, wherewith the reigne of Antichrist was plagued before their comming foorth.Verse. 17. Then doeth this Chapter con­clude with the last plague that is poured out of the seuenth Viall vpon the Antichrist, which is the day of Iudgement:Verse. 19. for then Babylon (saith he) came in remembrance before God.

The fourth description.But in the xvij Chapter is the former Vision interpreted and expounded; and there is the Antichrist represented by a Woman, sitting vpon that many-headed Beast; Cap. xvij. Verse 3. because as CHRIST his true Spouse and Church is repre­sented by a Woman in the xij. Chap. so here is the Head of his adulterous Spouse or false Church represented also by a woman, but hauing a cup [Page 99] ful of abominations in her hand; Verse 4. as her selfe is called a whoore for her spirituall adultery,Verse 1. ha­uing seduced the Kings of the earth to bee par­takers of her Spirituall fornication:Verse 2. And yet wonderfull gorgious and glorious was shee in outward shew; but drunken with the blood of the Saints, by a violent persecution of them.Verse 6. And that she may the better be knowen, he wri­teth her name vpon her forehead agreeable to her qualities: A Mystery, that great Babylon, that mother of whoredomes and abominati­ons of the earth. A Mystery is a name that belongeth vnto her two maner of wayes: One,Verse 5. as she taketh it to her selfe; another, as she deser­ueth it indeed. To her selfe she taketh it, in calling herselfe the visible Head of the Mystical bo­die of CHRIST, in professing her selfe to bee the dispenser of the Mysteries of GOD, and by her onely must they bee expounded: This great God in earth and Head of the faith, being a Mystes by his profession; that is, a Priest. And if the obseruation of one be true, that hee had of olde the word Mystery written on his Myter; then is this prophecie very plainely accompli­shed. Now that indeede shee deserues that name [Page 100] the rest of her Title doeth beare witnesse,Verse 5. that sheweth her to be the Mother of all the whore­domes and abominations of the earth: and so is she vnder the pretext of holinesse, a My­stery indeed of all iniquitie and abominations; vnder the marke of pretended feeding of Soules, deuouring Kingdomes, and making Christen­dome swimme in blood.

Now after that this scarlet or bloody Beast and her Rider are described, by their shape, gar­ments, name and qualities: the Angel doth next interpret this vision vnto Iohn, expounding vnto him what is signified both by the Beast and her Rider; telling him, the seuen heads of the Beast are seuen Hils, Verrse. 9. meaning by the situation of that Citie or seat of Empire; and that they are also seuen Kings or formes of gouernement in the said Citie, whereof I haue told my conceit already.Verse 12. As for the tenne Hornes, which hee sheweth to be tenne Kings, that shall at one houre receiue their power and Kingdome with the Beast, I take that number of ten to be Numerus certus pro incerto, euen as the num­ber of seuen heads and ten hornes vpon the Dra­gon the Deuill, cannot but bee an vncertaine [Page 101] number. And that he also imitates in those ten hornes, the ten hornes of the seuen headed Beast in the seuenth of Daniel: and therefore I take these ten Kings to signifie, all the Christian Kings, and free Princes and States in generall, euen you whome to I consecrate these my Labors, and that of vs all he prophecieth, that although our first becomming absolute and free Princes should bee in one houre with the Beast (for great Christian kingdomes and Monarches did but rise, and receiue their libertie by the ruines of the Ethnicke Romane Empire, and at the destru­ction thereof) and at the very time of the be­ginning of the planting of the Antichrist there; and that wee should for a long time continue to worship the Beast,Verse 13. hauing one Catholike or common consenting minde in obeying her, yel­ding our power and authoritie vnto her, and kissing her feet, drinking with her in her cup of Idolatrie, and fighting with the Lambe, Verse 14 in the persecution of his Saints, at her command that gouerneth so many Nations and people: yet notwithstanding of all this,Verse 16. wee shall in the time appointed by GOD, hauing thus fought with the Lambe, but being ouercome by him, [Page 102] that is, conuerted by his word; wee shall then (I say) hate the Whore, and make her deso­late, and make her naked, by discouering her hypocrisie and false pretence of zeale; and shall eate her flesh, and burne her with fire. And thus shal the way of the Kings of the East be prepared, Reuel. 16.12. as yee heard in the xvj. Chapter. And then doth hee subioyne the reason of this strange change in vs:Verse 17 for (saith hee) GOD hath put it in their hearts to fulfill his will, and with one consent to giue their King­domes to the Beast, till the words of GOD be fulfilled, according to that sentence of Salo­mon;Prou. 21.1. That the hearts of Kings are in the handes of GOD, to bee turned at his plea­sure. And hauing thus interpreted the Beast or Empire; he in a word expounds, that by the Woman that rode vpon her, or Monarch that gouerned her,Verse 18 was meant that great Citie that raigned ouer the Kings of the earth: by the Seate of the Empire pointing out the qualitie of the persons that should sit and domine there.

Chap. xviij.Then is the greatnesse of her fall, and the great lamentation that both the Kings and merchants of the earth shall make for the same, proclaimed [Page 103] by an other Angel in the xviij. Chapter.Verse 9.10. The Kings lamenting her fall, because they liued in pleasure with her; which no Kings could doe with Ethnicke Rome, who conquered them by her sword: for shee honoured them with Titles, and dispensed with their lustes and vnlawfull mariages. And the Merchants of the earth, Verse 11, 15, 16, 17, 18. and all Shipmasters, and traffikers vpon the Sea shall lament the fall of that great city, which neuer had a fellow, for the losse of their riches and trafficke which they inioyed by her meanes.Verse 12, 13. And there hee describeth all sorts of rich wares, whereof that great City was the Staple: for in­deede shee hath a necessary vse for all such rich and glorious wares, as well for ornaments to her Churches and princely Prelates, as for garments and ornaments to her woodden Saints; for the blessed Virgin must be daily clothed and decked in the newest and most curious fashion, though it should resemble the habit of a Curtizane. And of all those rich wares, the most precious is last named, which is the Soules of men: Verse 13. for so much bestowed vpon Masses, and so much doted to this or that Cloyster of Monkes or Friers, but most of all now to that irregular and incomprehensible [Page 104] order of Iesuites; shall both redeeme his owne Soule, and all his Parents to the hundreth gene­ration, from broyling in the fire of Purgatory. And (I hope) it is no small merchandise of Soules, when men are so highly deluded by the hopes and promise of Saluation, as to make a Frier mur­ther his Henry 3. K. of France. Soueraigne; a young knaue attempt the murther of his next Henry 4. Successour; many one to conspire and attempt the like against the late Queene; and in my time, to attempt the destru­ction of a whole Kingdome and State by a blast of Powder: and heereby to play bankerupt with both the soules mentioned in the Scriptures, Ani­mus & Anima.

But notwithstanding of this their great La­mentation, they are commanded by a voice from heauen to doe two things:Verse 4. One, to flee from Ba­bylon, least they bee partakers of her sinnes, and consequently of her punishment. Which warning I pray God that yee all, my Beloued Brethren and Cosins, would take heede vnto in time, humbly beseeching him to open your eyes for this purpose. The other commaund is, to reward her as shee hath rewarded you; Verse 6 yea, euen to the double. For as she did flie but [Page 105] with your feathers, borrowing as well her Titles of greatnes and formes of honoring her from you; as also enioying all her temporall liuing by your liberalities; so if euery man doe but take his owne againe, she will stand vp Cornicula Aesopica. naked; and the reason is giuen, because of her pride. For she glorifieth her selfe liuing in pleasure, Verse 7 and in her heart sayth, shee sitteth as a Queene (outward pro­sperity being one of their notes of a true Church) and is no Widow; for her Spouse CHRIST is bound to her by an inuiolable knot (for hee hath sworn neuer to forsake her) and she shal see no mourning: for she cannot erre, nor the gates of Hell shall not preuaile against her.

But though the earth and worldly men la­ment thus for the fall of Babylon in this eigh­teenth Chapter,Cap. xix. Verse 1. yet in the nineteenth Heauen and all the Angels and Saints therein doe sing a triumphall Cantique for ioy of her fall; prai­sing God for the fall of that great Whoore: Verse 2. Great indeed, for our Bellar. in Res­ad Gerson. con­sid. 11. Cardinall confesseth, that it is hard to describe what the Pope is, such is his greatnesse. And in the ende of that Chapter is the obstinacie of that Whoore described,Verse 19 who euen fought to the vttermost against him [Page 106] that sate on the white Horse, Verse 20. and his armie, till the Beast or Antichrist was taken, and the false Prophet, or false Church with him, who by Myracles, and lying Wonders deceiued them that receiued the marke of the Beast; and both were casten quicke into the bur­ning lake of fire and brimstone; Vnde null redemptio. Like as in the ende of the former Chapter, to describe the fulnesse of the Anti­christes fall (not like to that reparable wound that Ethnicke Rome gate) it is first compared to a Milstone cast in the sea, Cap. 18.21 that can neuer rise and fleete againe:Ibidem. Verse 22, 23 And next it is expressed by a number of ioyfull things that shall neuer be heard there againe, where nothing shall inhabite but desolation. But that the patience and constancy of Saints on earth, and God his Elected may the better be strengthened and confirmed; their per­secution in the latter dayes, is shortly prophesied and repeated againe,Cap. xx. Verse 2 after that Satan hath beene bound, or his furie restrained, by the worlds inioying of peace for a thousand yeeres, or a great indefinite time; their persecutors be­ing named Gog and Magog, Verse 8 the secret and re­uealed enemies of CHRIST. Whether this be [Page 107] meant of the Pope and the Turke, or not; (who both began to rise to their greatnesse about one time) I leaue to be guessed;Verse 9. alwayes their vtter confusion is there assuredly promised: and it is said; that the Dragon, the Beast, Verse 10. and the false Prophet, shall all three bee cast in that lake of fire and brimstone, to be tormented for euer. And thereafter is the latter day described againe (which must be hastened for the elects sake) and then for the further comfort of the Elect,Verse 11, 12, 13 Matth. 24 22 and that they may the more constantly and pati­ently indure these temporall and finite troubles, limited but to a short space;Chap. xxj.xxij in the last two Chap­ters are the ioyes of the eternall Ierusalem largely described.

Thus hath the Cardinals shamelesse wresting of those two places of Scripture, Pasce oues me­as, and Tibi dabo claues, for proouing of the Popes supreme temporall Authoritie ouer Prin­ces; animated me to prooue the Pope to be THE ANTICHRIST, out of this foresaid booke of Scripture; so to pay him in his owne money a­gaine. And this opinion no Pope can euer make me to recant; except they first renounce any fur­ther medling with Princes, in any thing belon­ging [Page 108] to their temporall Iurisdiction. And my on­ly wish shalbe, that if any man shall haue a fancie to refute this my coniecture of the Antichrist; that he answere mee orderly to euery point of my discourse: not contenting him to disproue my opi­nion, except hee set downe some other methode after his forme for interpretation of that booke of the Apocalyps, which may not contradict no part of the Text, nor containe no absurdities. Otherwise, it is an easie thing for Momus to picke quarrels in another mans tale, and tell it worse himselfe; it being a more easie practise to finde faults, then to amend them.

Hauing now made this digression anent the Antichrist, which I am sure I can better fasten vpon the Pope, then Bellarmine can doe his pretended temporall Superioritie ouer Kings: I will returne againe to speake of this Answerer; who (as I haue alreadie told you) so fitteth his matter with his maner of answering, that as his Style is nothing but a Satyre and heape full of iniurious and reprochfull speeches, as well a­gainst my Person, as my Booke; so is his matter as full of lyes and falsities indeed, as he vniustly layeth to my charge. For three lyes hee maketh [Page 109] against the Oath of Allegiance, contained and maintained in my Booke: besides that ordinary repeated lye against my Book; of his omitting to answere my lyes, trattles, iniurious speeches and blasphemies. One grosse lye hee maketh euen of the Popes first Breue. One lye of the Puritanes, whom he would gladly haue to bee of his partie. And one also of the Powder-Traitors, anent the occasion that moued them to vndertake that treasonable practise. Three lies he makes of that Acte of Parliament wherein this Oath of Alle­giance is contained. He also maketh one notable lye against his owne Catholike Writers. And two, of the causes for which two Iesuites haue bene put to death in England. And hee either falsifies, denies or wrests fiue sundry Histories and a printed Pamphlet: besides that impudent lye that he maketh of my Person; that I was a Puritane in Scotland, which I haue alreadie refuted. And for the better filling vp of his booke with such good stuffe; he hath also fiue so strange and new principles of Diuinitie therein, as they are either new, or at least allowed by very few of his owne Religion. All which lyes, with diuers others, and fiue strange, and (as I [Page 110] thinke) erroneous points of Doctrine, with s [...]n dry falsifications of Hystories; are set downe in a Table by themselues in the end of this my E­pistle, hauing their Refutation annexed to euery one of them.

But as for the particular answering of his booke; it is both vnnecessarie and vncomely for me to make a Reply. Vnnecessarie, because (as I haue alreadie told you) my Booke is neuer yet an­swered so farre as belongeth to the maine questi­on anent the Oath of Allegiance: the picking of aduantage vpon the wrong placing of the fi­gures in the citations, or such errors in the Print by casuall addition, or omission of words that make nothing to the Argument; being the grea­test weapons wherewith hee assaults my Booke. And vncomely it must needs be (in my opinion) for a King to fall in altercation with a Cardi­nall, at least with one no more nobly descend [...]d then he is: That Ecclesiasticall dignitie, though by the sloath of Princes (as I said before) it bee now come to that height of vsurped honour, yet being in the true originall and foundation there­of nothing else, but the title of the Priestes and Deacons of the parish Churches in the towne of [Page 111] Rome; at the first, the style of Cardinals bee­ing generally giuen to all Priestes and Deacons of any Cathedrall Church, though the multi­tude of such Cardinall Priests and Deacons re­sorting to Rome, was the cause that after bred the restraining of that title of Cardinall Priests and Deacons, onely to the Parish priests and Deacons of Rome. And since that it is S. Gre­gorie, who in his Epistles sixe hundreth yeares after CHRIST, maketh the first mention of Cardinals (and so these now Electours of the Apostolike Sea, beeing long and many hundreth yeers vnknowen or vnheard of, after the Apostol [...]ke age; and yet doth he speake of them but in this sense, as I haue now described) I hope the Cardinall, who calleth him the Apostle of England, cannot blame me that am King there­of, to acknowledge the Cardinall in no other de­gree of honour, then our said Apostle did. But how they should now become to be so strangely ex­alted aboue their first originall institution, that from Parish-priests and Deacons (Priests infe­riours) they should now come to be Princes and Peeres to Kings: and from a degree vnder Bi­shops (as both Lib. de Cleri­cis, cap. 16. Bellarmine and Lib. de Episco­patibus, Titulis & Diaconijs Cardinalium. Onuphrius [Page 112] confesse (to be now the Popes sole Electors, su [...] ­plying with him the place of a General Counsel; whereby the conuening of generall Councels is now vtterly antiquated and abolished; nay, out of their number onely, the Pope to be ele­cted; who claimeth the absolute Superiority ouer all Kings: how this their strange vsurped exal­tation (I say) should thus creepe in and be suffe­red, it belongeth all them in our place and calling to look vnto it; who being GOD his Lieute [...]āts in earth, haue good reason to be iealous of such vpstart Princes, meane in their originall, come to that height by their owne creation, and now accounting themselues Kings fellowes. But the speciall harme they do vs, is by their defrauding vs of our common & Christian interest in gene­rall Councels; they hauing (as I sayd) vtter­ly abolished the same, by rowling it vp and ma­king as it were a Monopoly thereof, in their Conclaue with the Pope. Whereas, if euer there were a possibilitie to bee expected of reducing all Christians to an vniformitie of Religion, it must come by the meanes of a generall Councell: the place of their meeting beeing chosen so indifferēt, as all Christian Princes, either in their owne [Page 113] Persons, or their Deputie Commissioners, and all Church men of Christian profession that be­leeue and professe all the ancient grounds of the true, ancient, Catholike and Apostolike Faith, might haue tutum accessum thereunto; All the incendiaries and Nouelist fire-brands on either side beeing debarred from the same, as well Iesu­ites as Puritanes.

And therefore hauing resolued not to paine my selfe with making a Reply for these reasons here specified, grounded as well vpon the consi­deration of the matter, as of the person of the Answerer; I haue thought good to content my selfe with the reprinting of my Apologie: ha­uing in a maner corrected nothing but the Copi­ers or Printers faults therein, and prefixed this my Epistle of Dedication and Warning therun­to; that I may yet see, if any thing will be iustly said against it: Not doubting but enow of my Subiects will reply vpon these Libellers, and an­swere them sufficiently; wishing YOV deepely to consider, and weigh your common interest in this Cause. For neither in all my Apologie, nor in his pretended Refutation thereof, is there any question made anent the Popes power ouer mee [Page 114] in particular, for the excommunicating or depo­sing of me. For in my particular; the Cardinall doeth me that grace, that he saith, The Pope thought it not expedient at this time to excom­municate me by name; our question beeing onely generall, Whether the Pope may lawefully pre­tend any temporall power ouer Kings, or no?

That no Church men can by his rule be sub­iect to any temporall Prince, I haue already shewed you; And what obedience any of you may looke for of any of them de facto, he plainly fore­warneth you of, by the example of Gregorie the Great his obedience to the Emperor Mauritius: not beeing ashamed to slaunder that great Per­sonages Christian humilitie and obedience to the Emperour, with the title of a constrained and forced obedience, because hee might, or durst doe no otherwise. Whereby he not onely wrongs the said Gregorie in particular, but euen doeth by that meanes lay on an heauie slaunder and re­proach vpon the Christian humilitie and pati­ence of the whole Primitiue Church, especially in the time of persecution: if the whole glorie of their Martyrdome and Christian patience shall be thus blotted with that vile glosse of their [Page 115] coacted and constrained suffering, because they could or durst do no otherwise; like the patience and obedience of the Iewes or Turkish slaues in our time cleane contrary to S. Paul and S. Pe­ [...]rs doctrine of obedience for conscience sake;Rom. 13.5. 1 Pet. 2.13. and as contrarie to Tertullians Apologie for Christians, and all the protestations of the anci­ent Fathers in that case. But it was good lucke for the ancient Christians in the dayes of Ethnicke Emperors, that this prophane & new conceit was yet vnknowen among them: o­therwise they would haue bin vtterly destroyed and rooted out in that time, and no man to haue pitied them, as most dangerous members in a Common-wealth, who would no longer bee obe­dient, then till they were furnished with suffici­ent abilitie and power to resist and rebell.

Thus may ye see, how vpon the one part our Cardinall will haue all Kings and Monarchs to be the Popes Vassals; and yet will not on the o­ther side, allow the meanest of the Pope his vas­sals, to be subiect to any Christian Prince. But he not thinking it enough to make the Pope our Superior, hath in a late Treatise of his (called the Recognition of his bookes of Controuer­sies) [Page 116] made the people and Subiects of euery one of vs, our Superiors. For hauing taken occasion to reuisite againe his bookes of Controuersies and to correct or explaine what he findeth amisse or mistaketh in them; in imitation of S. Augustine his retractions (for so hee saith in his Pre­face) he doth in place of retracting any of his former errours, or any matter of substance; not retract, but recant indeed, I meane sing ouer a­gaine, and obstinatly confirme a number of the grossest of them. Among the which, the exemp­ting of all Church-men from subiection to any Temporall Prince, and the setting vp not onely of the Pope, but euen of the People aboue their naturall King; are two of his maine points.

As for the exemption of the Clerickes; he is so greedy there to proue that point,Actes 25.10. as he denieth Caesar to haue beene Pauls lawfull Iudge: con­trary to the expresse Text, and Pauls plain Ap­pellation, and acknowledging him his Iudge; be­sides his many times claiming to the Roman pri­uiledges,Actes 22.28. and auowing himselfe a Roman by freedome; and therefore of necessitie a Subiect to the Roman Emperour. But it is a wonder that these Roman Catholikes, who vaunt them­selues [Page 117] of the ancientie both of their doctrine and Church, and reproch vs so bitterly of our Nouel­ties, should not bee ashamed to make such a new inept glosse as this vpon S. Pauls Text; which as it is directly contrary to the Apostles wordes, so is it without any warrant, either of any anci­ent Councell, or of so much as any one particu­lar Father that euer interpre [...]s that place in this sort: Neither was it euer doubted by any Chri­stian in the Primitiue Church, that the Apostles, or any other degree of Christians, were subiect to the Emperour.

And as for the setting vp of the People aboue their owne naturall King, hee bringeth in that principle of Sedition, that he may thereby proue, that Kings haue not their power and authoritie immediatly from God, as the Pope hath his: For euery King (saith he) is made and chosen by his people; nay, they do but so transferre their power in the Kings person, as they doe notwithstan­ding retaine their habituall power in their owne hands, which vpon certaine ocasions they may actually take to themselues againe. This, I am sure, is an excellent ground in Diuini [...]e for all R [...]bels and rebellious people, who are hereby al­lowed [Page 118] to rebell against their Princes; and assume libertie vnto themselues, when in their discreti­ons they shall thinke it conuenient.

And amongst his other Testimonies for pro­bation, that all Kings are made and created by the People; hee alledgeth the Creation of three Kings in the Scripture, Saul, Dauid & Ierobo­am; and though he be compelled by the expresse words of the Text, to confesse, that God by his Prophet Samuel anointed both 1. Sam. 10.1 Saul and 1. Sam. 16.12.13. Da­uid; yet will he, by the post-consent of the people, proue that those Kings were not immediatly made by God, but mediatly by the people; though he repeat thrise that word of Lott, by the casting whereof hee confesseth that Saul was chosen. And if the Election by Lott be not an immediate Election from God;Actes 1. then was not Matthias, who was so chosen and made an Apostle, immediatly chosen by God: and consequently, hee that sitteth in the Apostolike Sea cannot for shame claim to be immediatly chosen by God, if Matthias (that was one of the twelue Apostles, supplying Iudas his place) was not so chosen. But as it were a blasphemous impietie, to doubt that Matthias was immediatly chosen by God, and yet was [Page 119] hee chosen by the casting of Lots, as Saul was: so is it well enough knowen to some of you (my louing Brethren) by what holy Spirit or casting of Lots the Popes vse to bee elected; the Col­ledge of Cardinals, his electors, hauing beene di­uided in two mighty factions euer since long be­fore my time; and in place of casting of Lotts, great fat pensions beeing cast into some of their greedy mouthes for the election of the Pope, according to the partiall humours of Princes. But I doe most of all wonder at the weaknesse of his memorie: for in this place hee maketh the post consent of the people to bee the thing that made both these Kings, notwithstanding of their preceding inauguration and anoyntment by the Prophet at GODS commandement; forgetting that in the beginning of this same little booke of his, answering one that alledgeth a sentence of S. Cyprian, to prooue that the Bishops were iudged by the people in Cyprians time, hee there confesseth, that by these words, the consent of the people to the Bishops election must be one­ly vnderstood. Nor will he there any wayes be mooued to graunt, that the peoples power, in con­senting to or refusing the Election of a Bishop; [Page 120] should be so vnderstood, as that therby they haue power to elect Bishops: And yet do these words of Cyprian seeme to be farre stronger for gran­ting the peoples power to elect Church-men, then any words that hee alledgeth out of the Scripture are for the peoples power in electing a King. For the very words of Cyprian by himselfe there ci­ted are,Cyprian. lib. 1. Epist. 4. That the very people haue principally the power, either to chuse such Priests as are worthy, or to refuse such as are vnworthy: And, I hope, he can neuer proue by the Scripture, that it had been lawfull to the people of Israel, or that it was left in their choise, to haue admitted or refused Saul or Dauid at their pleasure, after that the Prophet had anointed them, and presen­ted them vnto them.

Thus ye see how little he careth (euen in so lit­tle a volume) to contradict himselfe, so it may make for his purpose; making the consent of the people to signifie their power of Election in the making of Kings, though in the making of Bi­shops, by the peoples cōsent, their approbauen of a deede done by others must onely bee vnderstood. And as for his example of Ieroboams election to be king,1. King. 12.20 hee knoweth well enough, [Page 121] that Ieroboam was made King in a popular mutinous tumult and rebellion; onely permitted by God, and that in his wrath, both against these two Kings and their people. But if he will needs helpe himselfe against all rules of Diuinity, with such an extraordinary example for proofe of a generall Rule; why is it not as lawfull for vs Kings to oppose hereunto the example of Iehu his Inauguration to the Kingdome;2. King 9.2, [...]. who vpon the Prophets priuat anointment of him, and that in most secret maner, tooke presently the Kings office vpon him, without euer crauing any sort of approbation from the people?

And thus may ye now clearely see, how deepe the claime of the Babylonian Monarch toucheth vs in all our common interest: for (as I haue al­ready tolde) the Pope, nor any of his Vassals, I meane Church-men, must be subiect to no Kings nor Princes: and yet all Kings and their Vassals must not onely be subiect to the Pope, but euen to their own people. And now, what a large liberty is by this doctrine left to Churchmen, to hatch or foster any treasonable attempts against Princes, I leaue it to your considerations, since doe what they will, they are accountable to none of vs: [Page 122] nay, all their treasonable practises must bee ac­counted workes of pietie, and they (being iustly punished for the same) must be presently inrolled in the list of Martyrs and Saints; like as our new printed Martyrologie hath put Garnet and Ouldcorne in the Register of English Martyrs abroad, that were hanged at home for Treason against the Crown and whole State of England: so as I may iustly with Isaiah, Isai 5.20. pronounce a Woe to them that speake good of euill, and euill of good; Verse 23. which put light for darkenesse, and darknesse for light; which iustifie the wicked for a reward, & take away the righteousnes of the righteous from him. For euen as in the time of the greatest blindnesse in Popery, though a man should find his wife or his daughter lying a bed in her Confessors armes; yet was it not law­full for him so much as to suspect that the Frier ahadny errand there, but to Confesse and in­struct her: Euen so, though Iesuites practising in Treason bee sufficiently verified, and that themselues cannot but confesse it; yet must they bee accounted to suffer Martyrdome for the Faith, and their blood work miracles, and frame a stramineum argumentum vpon strawes; [Page 123] when their heads are standing aloft, withered by the Sunne and the winde, a publike spectacle for the eternall commemoration of their treache­rie. Yea, one of the reasons, that is giuen in the Printers Epistle of the Colonian edition of the Cardinal or his Chaplains pamphlet, why he doth the more willingly print it, is; because that the innocencie of that most holy and constant man Henry Garnet, is declared and set forth in that booke; against whom, some (he knew not who) had scattered a false rumour of his guiltinesse of the English treason.

But, Lord, what an impudencie or wilfull ig­norance is this, that he, who was so publikely and solemnely conuicted and executed, vpon his own so cleare, vnforced and often repeated confessi­on, of his knowledge and concealing of that hor­rible Treason, should now be said to haue a cer­taine rumor spred vpon him of his guiltinesse, by I know not who? with so many attributes of godlinesse, constancie and innocencie bestowed vpon him, as if publike Sentences and Executi­ons of Iustice, were rumors of I know not who. Indeed, I must confesse, the booke it selfe sheweth a great affection to performe, what is thus pro­mised [Page 124] in the Preface thereof: for in two or three places therin, is there most honorable lying men­tion made of that straw Saint; wherein, though he confesse that Garnet was vpon the foreknow­ledge of the Powder-Treason, yet in regarde it was (as he saith) only vnder the Seale of Confes­sion, he sticketh not to praise him for his concea­ling thereof, and would gladly giue him the crowne of glory for the same: not being ashamed to proclaime it as a principal head of Catholique doctrine; That the secret of Sacramental con­ [...]ession ought not to be reuealed, not for the eschewing of whatsoeuer euil. But how damnable this doctrine is, and how dangerously pre­ [...]udiciall to all Princes & States; I leaue it to you to iudge, whom all it most highly concerneth. For although it he true, that when the Schoole­men came to be Doctors in the Church, and to marre the old grounds in Diuinitie by sowing in amongst them their Philosophicall distinctions: though they (I say) do maintain, That wha [...]soe­euer thing is told a Confessor vnder the vaile of confession, how dangerous soeuer the matter bee, yet he is bound to conceale the parties name: yet doe none of them, I meane of the olde Schoole­men, [Page 125] deny, that if a matter bee reuealed vnto them, the concealing whereof may breed a great or publike danger; but that in that case the Con­fessor may disclose the matter, though not the person, and by some indirect means make it come to light, that the danger thereof may bee preuen­ted. But that no treason nor diuelish plot, though it should tend to the ruine or exterminion of a whole Kingdome, must be reuealed, if it bee told vnder Confession; no not the matter so far indi­rectly disclosed, as may giue occasion for preuen­ting the danger thereof: though it agree with the conceit of some three or foure new Iesuited Doctors, it is such a new and dangerous head of doctrine, as no King nor State can liue in secu­ritie where that Position is maintained.

And now, that I may as well prooue him a lyar in facto, in his narration of this particular Hy­story; as I haue shewed him to be in iure, by this his damnable and false ground in Diuinity: I wil truly informe you of Garnets case, which is far otherwise then this Answerer alleageth. For first, it can neuer bee accounted a thing vnder Confession, which he that reueals it doth not dis­couer with a remorse, accounting it a sin where­of [Page 126] he repenteth him; but by the contrary, disco­uers it as a good motion, and is therein not dis­suaded by his Confessor, nor any penance enioy­ned him for the same: and in this forme was this Treason reuealed to Garnet, as himselfe confes­sed. And next, though he stood long vpon it, that it was reuealed vnto him vnder the vaile of Confession, in respect it was done in that time, while as the partie was making his Confession vnto him; Yet at the last he did freely confesse, that the party reuealed it vnto him as they were walking, and not in the time of Confession: But (hee said) hee deliuered it vnto him vnder the greatest Seale that might be, and so he tooke that he meant by the Seale of Confession; And it had (as he thought) a relation to Confession, in re­gard that he was that parties Confessor, & had taken his Confession sometimes before, and was to take it againe within few dayes thereafter. He also said, that he pretended to the partie, that he would not conceale it from his Superior. And further it is to be noted, that hee confessed, that two diuers persons conferred with him anent this Treason; and that when the one of them, which was Catesby, conferred with him there­upon, [Page 127] it was in the other parties presence and hearing: and what a Confession can this be in the hearing of a third person? And how far his last wordes (whereof our Answerer so much vaunts him) did disproue it to haue been vnder Confession, the Earle of Northamptons Booke doth beare witnesse.

Now as to the other parties name, that reuea­led the Powder-Treason vnto him, it was Greenwell the Iesuite, and so a Iesuite reuea­led to a Iesuite this treasonable plot, the Iesuite reuealer not shewing any remorse, and the Iesuit whome to it was reuealed not so much as inioy­ning him any penance for the same. And that ye may knowe that more Iesuites were also vpon the partie, Owldcorne the other Powder-Mar­tyr, after the misgiuing and discouerie of that Treason, preached consolatorie doctrine to his Catholike auditory; exhorting them not to faint for the misgiuing of this enterprise, nor to thinke the worse thereof that it succeeded not; alleadg­ing diuers Presidents of such godly enterprises that misgaue in like manner: especially, one of Saint Lewis King of France, who in his second iourney to the Holy land, died by the way, the [Page 128] greatest part of his army being destroyed by the plague; his first iourney hauing likewise misgi­uen him by the Soldans taking of him: exhor­ting them thereupon not to giue ouer, but still to hope that God would blesse their enterprise at some other time, though this did faile.

Thus see ye now with what boldnes and impu­dencie he hath belied the publikely knowen veri­tie in this errand, both in auowing generally that no Iesuite was any waies guilty of that treason, for so he affirmeth in his Booke; and also that Garnet knewe nothing thereof, but vnder the Seale of Confession. But if this were the first lie of the affaires of this State, which my fugitiue Priestes and Iesuites haue coined and spread a­broad, I could charme them of it, as the prouerbe is. But as well the walles of diuers Monasteries and Iesuites Colleges abroad, are filled with the painting of such lying Histories, as also the bookes of our said fugitiues are farced with such sort of shamelesse stuffe; such are the innume­rable sorts of torments and cruell deathes, that they record their Martyrs to haue suffered here; some torne at foure Horses; some sowed in Beares skinnes, and then killed with Dogges: [Page 129] nay, women haue not beene spared (they say) and a thousand other strange fictions, the vanities of all which I will in two words discouer vn­to you.

First as for the cause of their punishment, I doe constantly maintaine that which I haue said in my Apology: That no man, either in my time, or in the late Queenes, euer died here for his con­science. For let him be neuer so deuout a Papist, nay, though hee professe the same neuer so con­stantly, his life is in no danger by the Law, if hee breake not out into some outward acte expresly against the words of the Law, or plot not some vnlawfull or dangerous practise or attempt; Priests and Popish Church-men onely excepted, that receiue orders beyond the seas; who for the manifold treasonable practises that they haue kindled & plotted in this countrey, are dischar­ged to come home againe vnder paine of treason, after their receiuing of the saide Orders abroad; and yet, without some other guilt in them then their bare home-comming, haue none of thē bin euer put to death. And next, for the cruell tor­ments & strange sorts of death that they say so many of them haue bin put vnto; if there were [Page 130] no more but the Lawe and continually obserued custome of England, these many hundred yeeres, in all criminall matters, it will sufficiently serue to refute all these monstrous lies: for no tor­tures are euer vsed here, but the Manicles or the Racke, and these neuer but in cases of high Treason; and all sorts of Traitours die but one maner of death here, whether they bee Papist or Protestant traitours; Queene Maries time only excepted. For then indeede no sorts of cruell deathes were spared vnexecuted vpon men, women and children professing our Religion: yea, euen against the lawes of God and Nature, women with childe were put to cruell death for their profession; and a liuing childe falling out of the mothers belly, was throwen in the same fire againe that consumed the mother. But these tyrannous persecutions were done by the Bishops of that time, vnder the warrant of the Popes authoritie, and therefore were not sub­iect to that constant order and formes of execu­tion, which as they are heere established by our Lawes and customes, so are they accordingly ob­serued in the punishment of all criminals. For all Priests and Popish Traitours heere receiue their [Page 131] Iudgement in the temporall Courts, and so doe neuer exceed those formes of execution which are prescribed by the Law, or approued by conti­nuall custome. One thing is also to be marked in this case; that strangers are neuer called in que­stion here for their Religion, which is far other­wise (I hope) in any place where the Inquisition domines.

But hauing now too much wearied you with this long discourse, whereby I haue made you plainely see, that the wrong done vnto me in par­ticular; first by the Popes Breues, and then by these Libellers, doth as deepely interest you all in generall, that are Kings, free Princes, or States, as it doth mee in particular: I will now conclude, with my humble prayers to God, that he will waken vs vp all out of that Lethargike slumber of Securitie, wherein our Predecessors and we haue lien so long; and that wee may first grauely consider, what wee are bound in consci­ence to doe for the planting and spreading of the true worship of God, according to his reuea­led will, in all our Dominions; therein hearing the voice of our onely Pastor (for his Sheepe will know his voyce,Iohn 10.27. as himselfe saith) and not [Page 132] following the vaine, corrupt & changeable tra­ditions of men. And next that wee may proui­dently looke to the securitie of our owne States, and not suffer this incroching Babylonian Mo­narch to winne still ground vpon vs. And if God hath so mercifully dealt with vs, that are his Lieutenants vpon earth, as that he hath ioy­ned his cause with our interest, the spirituall li­bertie of the Gospel with our temporall free­dome: with what zeale and courage may wee then imbrace this worke: for our labours herein being assured, to receiue at the last the eternall and inestimable reward of felicitie in the king­dome of Heauen; and in the meane time to pro­cure vnto our selues a temporall securitie, in our temporall Kingdomes in this world.

As for so many of you as are already perswa­ded of that Truth which I professe, though dif­fering among your selues in some particular points; I think little perswasion should moue you to this holy and wise Resolution: Our Greatnes, nor our number, praised bee God, being not so contemptible, but that we may shew good exam­ple to our neighbors; since almost the halfe of all Christian people and of all sorts and degrees, are [Page 133] of our profession; I meane, all gone out of Baby­lon, euen from Kings and free Princes, to the meanest sort of people. But aboue all (my louing Brethren and Cosins) keepe fast the vnity of Faith amongst your selues; Reiect 1. Tim. 1.4. questions of Genealogies and Ibid. c. 4.7. Aniles fabulas, as Paul saith; Let not the foolish heate of your Preachers for idle Controuersies or indifferent things, teare a­sunder that mysticall Body, whereof yee are a part, since the very coat of him whose members wee are was without a seame: And let not our di­uision breed a slander of our faith, and be a word of reproch in the mouthes of our aduersaries, who make Vnitie to be one of the speciall notes of the true Church.

And as for you (my louing Brethren and Co­sins) whome it hath not yet pleased GOD to illu­minate with the light of trueth; I can but hum­bly pray with Elizeus, that it would please GOD to open your eyes, that yee might see what innu­merable and inuincible armies of Angels are euer prepared and ready to defend the truth of GOD: Actes 26.29. and with S. Paul I wish, that ye were as I am in this case; especially that yee would search the Scriptures, and ground your Faith vpon your [Page 134] owne certaine knowledge, and not vpon the re­port of others; since euery Man must be saf [...] by his owne faith. Abac. 2 4. But, leauing this to GOD his mercifull prouidence in his due time, I haue good reason to remember you, to maintaine the ancient liberties of your Crownes and Common-wealthes, not suffering any vnder GOD to set himselfe vp aboue you; and therein to imitate your owne noble predecessors, who (euen in the dayes of greatest blindnes) did diuers times cou­ragiously oppose themselues to the incroaching ambition of Popes. Yea, some of your King­domes haue in all ages maintained, and with­out any interruption enioyed your libertie, a­gainst the most ambitious Popes. And some haue of very late had an euident proofe of the Popes ambitious aspiring ouer your temporall power; wherein ye haue constantly maintained and de­fended your lawfull freedome, to your immortall honour. And therefore I heartily wish you all, to doe in this case the office of godly and iust Kings and earthly Iudges: which consisteth not onely in not wronging or inuading the liberties of any other person (for to that will I neuer presse to perswade you) but also in defending and main­taining [Page 135] these lawfull liberties wherewith GOD hath indued you. For ye, whom GOD hath or­dained to protect your people from iniuries, should bee ashamed to suffer your selues to bee wronged by any. And thus, assuring my selfe, that ye will with a setled iudgement free of preiudice, weigh the reasons of this my Discourse, and ac­cept my plainnesse in good part, gracing this my Apologie with your fauours, and yet no longer then till it shall be iustly and worthily refuted; I end, with my earnest prayers to the Almightie for your prosperities, and that after your happy temporall Raignes in earth, yee may liue and raigne in Heauen with him for euer.

A CATALOGVE OF the Lyes of Tortus, together with a briefe Confutation of them.

Tortus. Edit. Politan. pag. 9.

1 IN the oath of Allegiance the Popes power to excommunicate euen Hereticall Kings, is expresly denied.

Confutation.

The point touching the Popes power in ex­communicating Kings, is neither treated of, nor defined in the Oath of Allegiance, but was purposely declined. See the wordes of the Oath, and the Praemonition. pag. 9.

Tortus. p. 10.

2 For all Catholike writers doe collect from the words of Christ, Whatsoeuer thou shalt loose vpon earth, shall bee loosed in heauen, that there appertaineth to the Popes authoritie, not on­ly a power to absolue from sinnes, but also from penalties, cen­sures, lawes, vowes and oathes.

Confutation.

That all Roman-catholike writers do not concurre with this Libel­ler, in thus collecting frō Christs words, Mat. 16. To omit other rea­sons, it may appeare by this that many of them do write. That what Christ promised there, that he did actually exhibite to his disciples Iohn 20. when he said, whose sinnes yee remit, they shall be re­mitted, thereby restraining this power of loosing formerly promised, vnto loosing from sinnes, not mentioning any absolution from lawes, vowes and oathes in this place. So doe Theophylact, Anselme, Hugo Cardin. & Ferus in Mat. 16. So doe the principall Schoole­men. Alexand. Hales in Summa. part 4. q. 79. memb. 5. & 6. art. 3. Thom. in 4. dist. 24. q. 3. art. 2. Scotus in 4. dist. 19. art. 1. [Page] Pope Hadrian. 6. in 4. dist. q. 2. de clauib. pag. 302. edit. Parsien. an. 1530. who also alledgeth for this interpretation, Augustine and the interlinear Glosse.

Tortus. p. 18.

3 I abhorre all Parricide, I detest all conspiracies: yet it cannot be denied but occasions of despaire were giuen [to the Powder-plotters.]

Confutation.

That it was not any iust occasion of despaire giuen to the powder-Traitours, as this Libeller would beare vs in hand, but the instru­ctions which they had from the Iesuites, that caused them to at­tempt this bloody designe: See the Praemonition, pag. 127. and the booke intituled, The proceedings against the late Trai­tours.

Tortus. p. 26.

4 For not only the Catholiques, but also the Caluinist-pu­ritanes detest the taking of this Oath.

Confutation.

The Puritanes doe not decline the Oath of Supremacie, but daily doe take it, neither euer refused it. And the same Supremacie is defended by Caluin himselfe, Instit. lib. 4. cap. 20.

Tortus. p. 28.

5 First of all the Pope writeth not, that he was grieued at the calamities which the Catholiks did suffer for the keeping of the Orthodox faith in the time of the late Queene, or in the beginning of King Iames his reigne in England, but for the ca­lamities which they suffer at this present time.

Confutation.

The onely recitall of the words of the Breue wil sufficiently con­fute this lye. For thus writeth the Pope. The tribulations and ca­lamities which ye haue continually susteined for the keeping of the Catholique faith, haue alway afflicted vs with great griefe of minde. But forasmuch as we vnderstand, that at this time all things are more grieuous, our affliction hereby is won­derfully increased.

Tortus. p. 28.

6 In the first article [of the Statute] the Lawes of Queene Elizabeth are confirmed.

Confutation.

There is no mention at all made of confirming the Lawes of Q. Elizabeth, in the first article of that Statute.

Tortus. p. 29.

7 In the 10. article [of the sayd Statute] it is added, that if the [Catholikes] refuse the third time to take the Oath being tendered vnto them, they shall incurre the danger of loosing their liues.

Confutation.

There is no mention in this whole Statute either of offring the oath the third time, or any endangering of their liues.

Tortus. p. 30.

8 In the 12. article, it is enacted, that whosoeuer goeth out of the land to serue in the warres vnder forreine Princes, they shall first of all take this Oath, or else be accounted for Tray­tors.

Confutation.

It is no where said in that Statute, that they which shall thus serue in the warres vnder forreine Princes, before they haue taken this Oath, shalbe accounted for Traitors, but only for felons.

Tortus. p. 35.

9 We haue already declared, that the [Popes] Apostolike power in binding and loosing is denyed in that Oath [of Alle­geance.]

Confutation.

There is no assertory sentence in that Oath, nor any word but one­ly conditionall, touching the power of the Pope in binding and loosing.

Tortus. p. 37.

10 The Popes themselues, euen wil they, nill they, were con­strained to subiect themselues to Nero and Diocletian.

Confutation.

That Christians without exception, not vpon constraint but wil­lingly and for conscience sake, did subiect themselues to the Eth­nicke Emperours, it may appeare by our Apologie, p. 23, 24. and the Apologetickes of the ancient Fathers.

Tortus. p. 47.

11 In which words [of the Breues of Clement the 8.] not onely Iames King of Scotland, was not excluded, but included rather.

Confutation.

If the Breues [of Clement] did not exclude mee from the King­dome, but rather did include me, why did Garnet burne them? why would he not reserue them that I might haue seene them, that so he might haue obtained more fauour at mine hands, for him and his Catholickes?

Tortus. p. 60.

12 Of those 14. articles [contained in the Oath of Allege­ance] eleuen of them concerne the Primacie of the Pope in matters spirituall.

Confutation.

No one article of that Oath doeth meddle with the Primacie of the Pope in matters spirituall: for to what end should that haue bene, since we haue an expresse Oath els-where against the Popes Primacie in matters spirituall?

Tortus. p. 64.

13 Amongst other calumnies this is mentioned, that Bellar­mine was priuie to sundry conspiracies against Q Elizabeth, if not the authour.

Confutation.

It is no where said [in the Apologie] that Bellarmine was ei­ther the Authour, or priuie to any conspiracies against Queene Eli­zabeth but that he was their principall instructer and teacher, who corrupted their iudgement with such dangerous positions & princi­ples, that it was an easie matter to reduce the generals into parti­culars, [Page] and to apply the dictates which hee gaue out of his Chaire, as opportunity serued, to their seuerall designes.

Tortus. p. 64.

14 For hee [Bellarmine] knoweth, that Campian onely con­spired against Hereticall impiety.

Confutation.

That the true and proper cause of Campians execution, was not for his conspiring against hereticall impiety, but for conspiring against Queene Elizabeth, and the State of this Kingdome, it was most eui­dent by the iudiciall proceedings against him.

Tortus. p. 65.

15 Why was H. Garnet, a man incomparable for learning in all kindes, and holinesse of life, put to death, but because hee would not reueale that which he could not doe with a safe con­science?

Confutation.

That Garnet came to the knowledge of this horrible plot not only in confession, as this Libeller would haue it, but by other meanes, n [...]i­ther by the relation of one alone, but by diuers, so as hee might with safe conscience haue disclosed it; See the Premonition, p. 125, 126, &c. and the Earle of Northamptons Booke.

Tortus. p. 71.

16 Pope Sixtus 5. neither commaunded the French King to be murdered, neither approued that fact, as it was done by a priuate person.

Confutation.

The falsehood of this doeth easily appeare by the Oration of Six­tus. 5.

Tortus. p. 91.

17 That which is added concerning Stanley his Treason, is neither faithfully nor truely related: for the Apologer (as his maner is) doth miserably depraue it, by adding many lyes.

Confutation.

That which the Apologie relateth concerning Stanley his Treason, is word for word recited out of Cardinall Allens Apolo­gie [Page] for Stanley [...]s treason, as it is to be seene there.

Tortus. p. 93.

18 It is very certaine that H. Garnet at his arraignment, did alwayes constantly auouch, that neither hee nor any Iesuite ei­ther were authors, or compartners, or aduisers, or consenting a­ny way [to the powder-Treason.] And a little after. The same thing he protested at his death in a large speech, in the pre­sence of innumerable people.

Confutation.

The booke of the proceedings against the late Traytors, and our Premonition, pag. 125, 126, &c. doe clearly prooue the contrary of this to be true.

Tortus. p. 97.

19 King Iames since hee is no Catholike, neither is hee a Christian.

Confutation.

Contrary: I am a true Catholike, a professour of the truely an­cient, Catholike, and Apostolike faith: and therefore am a true Chri­stian. See the confession of my faith in the Premonition. pag. 35, 36, &c.

Tortus. p. 98.

20 And if the reports of them, which knewe him most in­wardly, be trew, When he was in Scotland, he was a Puritane, and an Enemie to Protestants: Now in England hee professeth himselfe a Protestant, and an Enemie to the Puritans.

Confutation.

Contrary; and what a Puritane I was in Scotland: See my [...]: and this my Premonition. p. 44, 45.

¶His falsifications in his alledging of Histories, together with a briefe declaration of their falshood.

The words of Tortus. p. 70.

1 IT was certaine that hee [Hnery 4. the Emperour] died a naturall death.

Confutation.

It was not certaine: since sundry Historians write otherwise, that he dyed vpon his imprisonment by his sonne Henry 5. either with the noysomenesse and loathsomenesse of the prison, or being pined to death by hunger. Read Fasciculus temporum at the yeere 1094. Laziardus epitom. vniuersal. Histor. c. 198. Paulus Langius in Chronico Citizensi at the yeere 1105. and Iacobus Wimphe­lingus epitome Rerum Germanic. c. 28.

Tortus. p. 83.

2 Henry 4. the Emperour feared indeed, but not any cor­porall death, but the censure of Excommunication, from the which that he might procure absolution, of his owne accord, he did thus demissely humble himselfe [before Gregory 7.]

Confutation.

That Henry 4. thus deiected himselfe before the Pope, it was neither of his owne accord, neither vpon any feare of the Popes Ex­communication, which [in this particular] he esteemed of no force: but vpon feare of the losse of his kingdome and life, as the recordes of antiquitie doe euidently testifie. See Lambertus Schafnaburg. at the yeere 1077. Abbas Vispergen at the yeere 1075. The au­thour of the life of Henry 4. Bruno in his Historie of the Saxon warre. Laziard. in epitom. vniuersal. Histor. c. 193. Cuspian. in Henric. 4. Sigonius de Regno Italiae lib. 9.

Tortus. p. 83.

3 The trueth of the History [of Alexander 3. treading vp­on the necke of Fredericke Barbarossa with his foote] may bee iustly doubted of.

Confutation.

But no Historian doubteth of it; and many doe auouch it, as Hie­ronym. Bard. in victor. Naual. ex Bessarion. Chronico apud Baro. ad ann. 1177. num. 5. Gerson de potestate Ecclésiae consid. 11. Iacob Bergom. in supplem. Chron. ad an. 1160. Nauclerus Ge­ner. 40. Petrus Iustinian li. 2. Rerum Venetar. Papirius Masson. lib. 5. de Episcop. vrbis, who also alledgeth for this Gennadius Pa­triarch of Constantinople. Besides Alphonsus Ciacconius de vit. Pontif. in Alexand. 3. and Azorius the Iesuite. Instit. Moral. part. 2. lib. 5. c. 43.

Tortus. p. 83.

4 What other thing feared Frederick Barbarossa but Ex­communiticaon?

Confutation.

That Frederick feared onely Pope Alexander his Excommuni­cation, no ancient Historian doeth testifie. But many doe write, that this submission of his was principally for feare of loosing his Empire and Dominions. See for this, Martin. Polon. ad an. 1166. Platina in vita Alexand. 3. Laziard. in epitom. Historiae vniuersal. c. 212. Naucler. generat. 40. Iacobus Wimphelingus in epitom. Re­rum Germanic. c. 32.

Tortus. p. 88.

5 Adde heereunto, that Cuspinian. [in relating the histo­ry of the Turks brother who was poysoned by Alexander 6.] hath not the consent of other Writers to witnesse the trueth of this History.

Confutation.

The same History which is reported by Cuspinian, is recorded also by sundry other famous Historians. See Francis Guicciardin. lib. 2. Histor. Ital. Paulus Iouius lib. 2. Hist. sui temporis. Sa­bellic. Ennead. 10. lib. 9. Continuator. Palmerij, at the yeere 1494.

¶The nouell Doctrines, with a briefe de­claration of their Noueltie.

Nouell doctrine, p. 9.

1 IT is agreed vpon amongst all, that the Pope may lawfully depose Hereticall Princes, and free their Subiects from yeelding obedience vnto them.

Confutation.

Nay, all are so farre from consenting in this poynt, that it may much more truely be auouched, that none entertained that conceit before Hildebrand: since he was the first broacher of this new do­ctrine neuer before heard of, as many learned men of that age, and the age next following (to omit others of succeeding ages) haue ex­presly testified. See for this poynt, the Epistle of the whole Clergie of Liege to Pope Paschal the 2. See the iudgement of many Bishops of those times, recorded by Auentine in his history, lib. 5. fol. 579. Also the speech vttered by Conrade Bishop of Vtrecht, in the sayd 5. booke of Auentine, fol. 582. And another by Eberhardus, Arch-Bishop of Saltzburge. Ibid. lib. 7. p. 684. Also the iudgement of the Arch-Bishop of Triers, in constitut. Imperialib. à M. Haimensfeldio editis. pag. 47. The Epistle of Walthram Bishop of Megburgh, which is extant in Dodechine his Appendix to the Chronicle of Marianus Scotus, at the yere 1090. Benno in the life of Hildebrand. The author of the booke De vnitate Ecclesiae, or the Apologie for Henry the 4. Sigebert in his Chronicle, at the yeare 1088. Godfrey of Viterbio in his History intituled Panthe­on, part. 17. Otho Frisingensis, lib. 6. c. 35. & praefat. in lib. 7. Frederick Barbarossa. lib. 6. Gunther. Ligurin. de gestis Frede­rici, and lib. 1. c. 10. of Raduicus, de gestis eiusdem Frederici. Vincentius in speculo historiali lib. 15. c. 84. with sundry others.

Nouell Doctrine. p. 51.

2 In our supernaturall birth in Baptisme wee are to con­ceiue of a secret and implied oath, which wee take at our new [Page] birth to yeelde obedience to the spirituall Prince, which is Christs Vicar.

Confutation.

It is to be wondered at whence this fellow had this strange new di­uinity, which surely was first framed in his owne fantastical brain. Else let him make vs a Catalogue of his Authours, that holde and teach, that all Christians, whether infants or of age, are by vertue of an othe taken in their Baptisme, bound to yeeld absolute obedience to Christs Vicar the Pope, or baptized in any but in Christ.

Nouell Doctrine. p. 94.

2 But since that Catholike doctrine doth not permit, for the auoidance of any mischiefe whatsoeuer, to discouer the se­cret of Sacramental confession, he [Garnet] rather chose to suffer most bitter death, then to violate the seale of so great a Sacramēt.

Confutation.

That the secret of Sacramentall confession is by no meanes to bee disclosed, no not indirectly, or in generall, so the person confessing be concealed, for auoydance and preuention of no mischiefe, how great soeuer: Besides that it is a position most daungerous to all Prin­ces and Common wealths, as I shew in my Premonition, pag. 122, 123. it is also a Nouell Assertion, not heard of till of late dayes in the Christian worlde: Since the common opinion euen of the Schoolemen and Canonistes both olde and newe, is vnto the con­trary, Witnesse these Authours following: Alexand. Hales part. 4. qu. 78. mem. 2. art. 2. Thom. 4. dist. 21. q. 3. art. 1. ad. 1. Scotus in 4. dist. 21. q. 2. Hadrian. 6. in 4. dist. vbi de Sacram. Confess. edit. Paris. 1530. pag. 289. Dominic. Sot. in 4. dist. 18. q. 4. art. 5. Francis. de victor. sum. de Sacram. n. 189. Nauar. in Enchirid. c. 8. Ioseph. Angles in Florib. part 1. pag. 247. edit. Antuerp. Petrus Soto lect. 11. de confess. The Iesuites al­so accorde hereunto, Suarez. Tom. 4. disp. in 3. part. Thom. disp. 33. §. 3. Gregor. de Valentia. Tom. 4. disp. 7. q. 13. punct. 3. who saith the common opinion of the Schoolemen is so.

Nouell Doctrine. p. 102.

4 I dare boldly auow, that the Catholikes haue better rea­son [Page] to refuse the Oath [of Alleageance] then Eleazar had to refuse the eating of swines flesh.

Confutation.

This assertion implieth a strange doctrine in deede, that the Popes Breues are to bee preferred before Moses Law: And that Papistes are more bound to obey the Popes decree, then the Iewes were to obey the Law of God pronounced by Moyses.

Nouell Doctrine. p. 135.

5 Churchmen are exempted from the Iurisdiction of secu­lar Princes, & therfore are no subiects to Kings: yet ought they to obserue their Lawes concerning matters temporall, not by vertue of any Lawe, but by enforcement of reason, that is to say, not for that they are their Subiects, but because reason will giue it, that such Lawes are to bee kept for the publike good, and quiet of the Common-wealth.

Confutation.

How true friends the Cardinall and his Chaplen are to Kings, that would haue so many Subiects exempted from their power: See my Premonition, p. 20, 21. Also p. 114, 115. &c. But as for this and the like new Aphorismes, I would haue these cunning Merchants to cease to vent such stuffe for ancient and Catholike wares in the Christian world, till they haue disproued their owne Venetians, who charge them with Noueltie, and forgery in this poynt,

Triplici nodo, tripl …

Triplici nodo, triplex cuneus. OR AN APOLOGIE FOR THE OATH of Allegiance. Against the two Breues of Pope PAVLVS QVINTVS, and the late Letter of Cardinall BELLAR­MINE to G. BLACKVVEL the Arch-priest.

Tunc omnes populi clamauerunt & dixerunt,
Magna est Ʋeritas, & praeualet. ESDR. 3.

¶Authoritate Regiâ.

¶Imprinted at London by Robert Barker, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie. ANNO 1609.

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AN APOLOGIE FOR THE OATH of Allegiance.

WHat a monstrous, rare, nay neuer heard of Treacherous At­tempt, was plotted within these few yeeres heere in England, for the destruction of Me, my Bed-fellow, and our Posterity, the whole house of Parliament, and a great number of good Subiects of all sorts and degrees: is so famous already through the whole world by the infamy thereof, as it is needlesse to be re­peated or published any more; the horrour of the sinne it selfe doth so lowdly proclaime it. For if those Gen 4.10. crying Sinnes (whereof mention is made in the Scripture) haue that [Page 2] epithete giuen them for their publique infa­mie, and for procuring as it were with a loud crie from heauen a iust vengeance and re­compense; and yet those sinnes are both old and too common, neither the world nor any one Countrey being euer at any time cleane voyd of them: If those sinnes (I say) are said in the Scripture to cry so loud; What then must this sinne doe, plotted without cause, infinite in crueltie, and singular from all examples? What proceeded hereupon is likewise notorious to the whole worlde; our Iustice onely taking hold vpon the Of­fenders, and that in as honourable and pub­lique a forme of Trial, as euer was vsed in this Kingdome.

2. For although the onely reason they gaue for plotting so heinous an Attempt, was the zeale they carried to the Romish Reli­gion; yet were neuer any other of that pro­fession the worse vsed for that cause, as by our gracious Proclamation immediatly after the discouery of the said fact doeth plainely appeare: onely at the next sitting downe a­gaine of the Parliament, there were Lawes [Page 3] made, setting downe some such orders as were thought fit for preuenting the like mis­chiefe intime to come. Amongst which a forme of OATH was framed to be taken by my Subiects, whereby they should make a cleare profession of their resolution, faith­fully to persist in their obedience vnto me, ac­cording to their naturall allegiance; To the end that I might hereby make a separation, not onely betweene all my good Subiects in generall, and vnfaithfull Traitors, that in­tended to withdraw themselues from my obedience; But specially to make a separati­on betweene so many of my Subiects, who although they were otherwise popishly af­fected, yet retained in their hearts the print of their naturall duetie to their Soueraigne; and those who being caried away with the like fanaticall zeale that the Powder-Trai­tors were, could not conteine themselues within the bounds of their naturall Allegi­ance, but thought diuersitie of religion a safe pretext for all kinde of treasons, and rebelli­ons against their Soueraigne. Which god­ly and wise intent God did blesse with suc­cesse [Page 4] accordingly: For very many of my Subiects that were popishly affected, aswel priests, as layicks, did freely take the same Oath: whereby they both gaue me occasion to thinke the better of their fidelitie, and likewise freed themselues of that heauy slan­der, that although they were fellow profes­sors of one Religion with the powder Trai­tors, yet were they not ioyned with them in treasonable courses against their Soue­reigne; whereby all quietly minded Papists were put out of despaire, and I gaue a good proofe that I intended no persecution a­gainst them for conscience cause, but onely desired to bee secured of them for ciuill obe­dience, which for conscience cause they were bound to performe.

3. But the deuil could not haue deuised a more malicious tricke for interrupting this so calme and clement a course, then fell out by the sending hither, and publishing a Breue of the Popes, countermaunding all them of his profession to take this Oath; Thereby sowing new seedes of ielousie be­tweene me and my Popish Subiects, by stir­ring [Page 5] them vp to disobey that lawfull com­mandement of their Soueraigne, which was ordeined to be taken of them as a pledge of their fidelity; And so by their re [...]usall of so iust a charge, to giue me so great and iust a ground for punishment of them, without touching any matter of cons [...]: throw­ing themselues needlesl [...] [...] of these desperate straites: [...] losse of their liues and [...] their Alle­giance to the [...] [...]; or else to procure the condemnation of their Soules by renouncing the Catholike faith, as he al­leadgeth.

4. And on the other part, although dis­parity of Religion (the Pope being head of the contrary part) can permit no intelli­gence nor intercourse of messengers be­twerne me and the Pope: yet there being no denounced warre betweene vs, he hath by this action broken the rules of common ciuility and iustice betweene Christian Prin­ces, in thus condemning me vnheard, both by accounting me a persecutor, which can not be but implyed by exhorting the Papists [Page 6] to endure Martyrdome; as likewise by so straitly commanding all those of his Pro­fession in England, to refuse the taking of this Oath; thereby refusing to professe their naturall obedience to me their Soueraigne. For if he thinke himselfe my lawfull Iudge, wherefore hath he condemned me vnheard? And, if he haue nothing to doe with me and my gouernement (as indeed he hath not) why doeth hee mittere falcem in alienam mes­sem, to meddle betweene mee and my Sub­iects, especially in matters that meerely and onely concerne ciuill obedience? And yet could Pius Quintus in his greatest furie and auowed quarrell against the late Queene, do no more iniury vnto her; then he hath in this cause offered vnto me, without so much as a pretended or an alleadged cause. For what difference there is, betweene the com­maunding Subiects to rebell, and loosing them from their Oath of Allegiance as Pius Quintus did; & the commanding of Subiects not to obey in making profession of their Oath of their dutiful Allegiance, as this Pope hath now done: no man can easily discerne.

[Page 7]5. But to draw neere vnto his Breue, wherin certainly he hath taken more paines then he needed, by setting downe in the said Breue the whole body of the Oath at length; whereas the only naming of the Title there­of might as wel haue serued, for any answere he hath made thereunto (making Vna litura, that is, the flat and generall condemnation of the whole Oath to serue for all his refuta­tion) Therein hauing as well in this respect as in the former, dealt both vndiscreetly with me, and iniuriously with his owne Catho­likes. With me; in not refuting particularly what speciall wordes hee quarrelled in that Oath; which if he had done, it might haue bene that for the fatherly care I haue not to put any of my Subiects to a needlesse extre­mitie, I might haue bene contented in some sort to haue reformed or interpreted those wordes. With his owne Catholicks: for ei­ther if I had so done, they had beene therby fully eased in that businesse; or at least if I would not haue condescended to haue alte­red any thing in the said Oath, yet would thereby some appearance or shadow of ex­cuse [Page 8] haue beene left vnto them for refusing the same: not as seeming thereby to swarue from their Obedience and Allegiance vnto me, but onely being stayed from taking the same vpon the scrupulous tendernesse of their consciences, in regard of those particu­lar wordes which the Pope had noted and condemned therein.

And now let vs heare the wordes of his thunder.

POPE PAVLVS the fift, to the English Catholikes.

WElbeloued Sonnes, Salutation and Apostolical Benediction.The Pope his first Breue. The tribulations and calamities, which yee haue continually susteined for the keeping of the Catholike Faith, haue alwaies afflicted vs with great griefe of minde: But for as much as we vnderstand that at this time all things are more grieuous, our affliction hereby is wonderfully increased. For we haue heard how you are compelled, by most grieuous punishments set before you, to goe to the Churches of Here­tikes, to frequent their assemblies, to be present at their Sermons. Truely we doe vndoubtedly beleeue, that they which with so great constancie and fortitude, haue hitherto indured most cruell persecutions and almost infinite miseries, that they may walke without spot in the Law of the Lord; will neuer suffer themselues to bee defiled with the communion of those that haue forsaken [Page 10] the diuine Law. Yet notwithstanding, being com­pelled by the zeale of our Pastorall Office, and by our Fatherly care which we doe continually take sor the saluation of your soules, we are inforced to admonish and desire you; that by no meanes you come vnto the Churches of the Heretikes, or heare their Sermons, or communicate with them in their Rites, lest you incurre the wrath of God. For these things may yee not doe without indamaging the worship of God, and your owne salua­tion. As likewise you cannot without most eui­dent and grieuous wronging of Gods Honour, binde your selues by the Oath, which in like ma­ner we haue heard with very great griefe of our heart is administred vnto you, of the tenor vn­der written. viz.

The Oath.I A.B. doe truely and sincerely acknow­lege, professe, testifie and declare in my conscience before God and the world, That our Soueraigne Lord King IAMES, is lawfull King of this Realme, and of all other his Maiesties Dominions and Countreyes: And that the Pope neither of himselfe, nor by any authoritie of the Church or Sea o [...] Rome, or by any other meanes with any o­ther, [Page 11] hath any power or authoritie to depose the King, or to dispose of any of his Maiesties Kingdomes or Dominions, or to authorize any forraigne Prince, to inuade or annoy him or his Countreys, or to discarge any of his Subiects of their Allegiance and obedi­ence to his Maiestie, or to giue Licence or leaue to any of them, to beare Armes, raise tumults, or to offer any violence or hurt to his Maiesties Royal person, State or Gouern­ment, or to any of his Maiesties Subiects within his Maiesties Dominions. Also I doe sweare from my heart, that, notwithstan­ding any declaration or sentence of Excom­munication, or depriuation made or gran­ted, or to be made or granted, by the Pope or his Successors, or by any Authoritie deriued, or pretended to be deriued from him or his Sea, against the said King, his Heires or Suc­cessors, or any Absolution of the said subiects from their Obedience; I will beare faith and true Allegiance to his Maiestie, his Heires and Successors, and him and them will de­fend to the vttermost of my power, against all Conspiracies and Attempts whatsoeuer, [Page 12] which shalbe made against his or their Per­sons, their Crowne and dignitie, by reason or colour of any such Sentence, or declarati­on, or otherwise, and will doe my best ende­uour to disclose and make knowen vnto his Maiestie, his Heires and Successors, all Trea­sons and traiterous Conspiracies, which I shall know or heare of, to be against him or any of them. And I doe further sweare, That I doe from my heart abhorre, detest and abiure as impious and Hereticall, this damnable doctrine and Position, That Prin­ces which be excommunicated or depriued by the Pope, may be deposed or murthered by their Subiects, or any other whatsoeuer. And I doe beleeue, and in conscience am re­solued, that neither the Pope nor any person whatsoeuer, hath power to absolue me of this Oath, or any part thereof; which I ac­knowledge by good and full Authoritie to be lawfully ministred vnto me, and doe re­nounce all pardons and dispensations to the contrary. And all these things I doe plainely and sincerely acknowledge and sweare, ac­cording to these expresse wordes by me spo­ken, [Page 13] and according to the plaine and com­mon sence and vnderstanding of the same words, without any Equiuocation, or men­tal euasion, or secret reseruation whatsoeuer. And I doe make this Recognition and ac­knowledgement heartily, willingly and true­ly, vpon the true Faith of a Christian. So helpe my GOD.

Which things since they are thus; it must eui­dently appeare vnto you by the words themselues, That such an Oath cannot be taken without hur­ting of the Catholique Faith, and the Saluation of your Soules; seeing it conteines many things, which are flat contrary to Faith and Saluation. Wherefore wee doe admonish you, that you doe vtterly abstaine from taking this and the like Oathes: which thing wee doe the more earnestly require of you, because we haue experience of the Constancie of your Faith, which is tried like Gold in the fire of perpetuall Tribulation. Wee doe wel knowe, that you will cheerefully vnder-goe all kind of cruell Torments whatsoeuer, yea and con­stantly endure death it selfe, rather then you will in any thing offend the Maiestie of God. And this our Confidence is confirmed by those things, [Page 14] which are dayly reported vnto vs, of the singu­lar vertue, valour and fortitude which in these last times doeth no lesse shine in your Martyrs, then it did in the first beginnings of the Church. Stand therefore, your Loynes being girt about with Veritie, and hauing on the Brest-plate of righteousnesse, taking the Shield of Faith, bee yee strong in the Lord, and in the power of his might; And let nothing hinder you. Hee which will crowne you, and doeth in Heauen be­holde your Conflicts, will finish the good worke which he hath begun in you. You know how he hath promised his Disciples, that hee will neuer leaue them Orphanes: for hee is faithfull which hath promised. Hold fast therefore his correcti­on, that is, being rooted and grounded in Chari­tie, whatsoeuer ye doe, whatsoeuer yee indeuour, doe it with one accord, in simplicitie of Heart, in meekenesse of Spirit, without murmuring or doubting. For by this doe all men know that wee are the Disciples of Christ, if we haue Loue one to another. Which Charitie, as it is very greatly to bee desired of all faithfull Christians; So certainely is it altogether necessary for you, most blessed Sonnes. For by this your Charitie, [Page 15] the power of the Deuill is weakened, who doeth so much assaile you, since that Power of his is e­specially vp held by the Contentions and Disa­greement of our Sonnes. We exhort you there­fore by the bowels of our Lord Iesus Christ, by whose Loue we are taken out of the Iawes of e­ternall Death; That aboue all things, you would haue mutuall Charitie among you. Surely Pope Clement the eight of happy memory, hath giuen you most profitable Precepts of practising bro­therly Charitie one to another, in his Letters in forme of a Breue, to our welbeloued Sonne M. George Arch-priest of the Kingdome of Eng­land, dated the 5. day of the moneth of October, 1602. Put them therefore diligently in practise, and bee not hindered by any difficultie or doubtfulnesse. We command you that ye doe ex­actly obserue the words of those Letters, and that yee take and vnderstand them simply as they sound, and as they lie; all power to interpret them otherwise, being taken away. In the meane while, we will neuer cease to pray to the Father of Mercies, that hee would with pitie beholde your afflictions and your paines; And that he would keepe and defend you with his continuall [Page 16] Protection: whom we doe gently greete with our Apostolicall Benediction. Dated at Rome at S. Marke, vnder the Signet of the Fisherman, the tenth of the Calends of October, 1606. the second yeere of our Popedome.

THE ANSWERE to the first Breue.

FIrst, the Pope expresseth heerein his sorrow, for that persecution which the Catholiques sustaine for the faiths sake. Wherein, besides the maine vntrueth whereby I am so iniuriously vsed, I must euer auow and maintaine, as the trueth is according to mine owne knowledge, that the late Queene of fa­mous memorie, neuer punished any Papist for religion, but that their owne punishment was euer extorted out of her hands against her will, by their owne misbehauiour, which both the time and circumstances of her [Page 17] actions will manifestly make proofe of. For before Pius Quintus his excommunication giuing her ouer for a preye, and setting her Subiects at liberty to rebel, it is well knowen she neuer medled with the blood or hard punishment of any Catholique, nor made any rigorous lawes against them. And since that time, who list to compare with an in­different eye, the manifold intended Inuasi­ons against her whole Kingdome, the for­raine practises, the internall publike rebelli­lions, the priuate plots and machinations, poysonings, murthers, and all sorts of deui­ses, et quid non? daily set abroach; and all these wares continually fostered & fomen­ted from Rome; together with the continuall corrupting of her Subiects, as well by temporall bribes, as by faire and specious promises of eternall felicitie; and nothing but booke vpon booke publikely set forth by her fugitiues, for approbation of so holy designes: who list, I say, with an indifferent eye, to looke on the one part, vpon those infinite & intollerable temptations, and on the other part vpon the iust, yet moderate [Page 18] punishment of a part of these hainous of­fenders; shall easily see that that blessed de­funct Lady vvas as free from persecution, as they shall free these hellish Instruments from the honour of martyrdome.

5. But novv hauing sacrificed (if I may so say) to the Manes of my late predecessor, I may next vvith S. Paul iustly vindicate my ovvne fame, from those innumerable calum­nies spred against me, in testifying the trueth of my behauiour tovvard the Papists: vvher­in I may truely affirme, that vvhatsoeuer vvas her iust and mercifull Gouernement ouer the Papists in her time, my Gouernement o­uer them since hath so farre exceeded hers, in mercie and clemencie, as not onely the Papists themselues grevve to that height of pride, in confidence of my mildenesse, as they did directly expect, and assuredly pro­mise to themselues liberty of conscience and equalitie vvith other of my Subiects in all things; but euen a number of the best and faithfullest of my sayd subiects, vvere cast in great feare & amazement of my course and proceedings, euer prognosticating and iustly [Page 19] suspecting that sowre fruit to come of it, which shevved it selfe clearely in the pow­der-Treason. How many did I honour with knighthood, of knowen & open Recusants? How indifferently did I giue audience, and accesse to both sides, bestowing equally all fauours and honors on both professions? How free & continual accesse, had all rankes & degrees of Papists in my Court & com­pany? And aboue alll, how frankly and free­ly did I free Recusants of their ordinary pay­ments? Besides, it is euident what strait or­der vvas giuen out of my ovvne mouth to the Iudges, to spare the execution of all Priests, (notwithstanding their conuiction,) ioyning thereunto a gracious Proclamation, wherby all Priests, that were at liberty, and not taken, might goe out of the country by such a day: my generall Pardon hauing bin extended to all conuicted Priests in prison: whereupon they vvere set at liberty as good Subiects: and all Priests that were taken af­ter, sent ouer and set at liberty there. But time & paper vvill faile mee to make enume­ration of all the benefits and fauours that I [Page 20] bestowed in generall and particular vpon Papists: in recounting whereof euery scrape of my pen would serue but for a blot of the Popes ingratitude and Iniustice, in meating me with so hard a measure for the same. So as I thinke I haue sufficiently, or at least with good reason wiped the Magno cum animi moerore, &c. teares from the Popes eyes, for complaining vpon such per­secution, who if he had beene but politikely wise, although he had had no respect to Iustice and Veritie, would haue in this com­plaint of his, made a difference betweene my present time, and the time of the late Queene, And so by his commending of my moderation, in regarde of former times, might haue had hope to haue moued me to haue continued in the same clement course. For it is a true saying, that alledged kindnes vpon noble mindes, doth euer worke much. And for the maine vntrueth of any persecu­tion in my time, it can neuer be proued, that any were, or are put to death since I came to the Crowne for cause of Conscience: except that now this discharge giuen by the Pope to all Catholiques to take their oath of Al­legiance [Page 21] to me, be the cause of the due pu­nishment of many: which if it fall out to be, let the blood lig [...]t vpon the Popes head, who is the onely cause thereof.

As for the next point contained in his Breue concerning his discharge of all Papists to come to our Church, or frequent our rites and ceremonies,The intende­ment of this discourse. I am not to meddle at this time with that matter, because my er­rand now only is to publish to the world the Iniurie and Iniustice done vnto me in dis­charging my subiects to make profession o [...] their obedience vnto me. Now as to the point where the oath is quarrelled, it is se [...] downe in few, but very weightie words; to wit, That it ought to be cleare vnto all Catho­liques, that this oath cannot be taken with safety of the Catholike Faith, and of their soules health, since it containeth many things that are plainely and directly contrary to their faith & saluation. To this, the old saying fathered vpon the Philosopher may very fi [...]ly be applied, Mul ta dicit sed pauca probat: nay indeede, Nihil omnino probat. For how the profession of the natural Allegiance of Subiects to their Prince [Page 22] can be directly opposite to the faith & salua­tion of soules, is so farre beyond my simple reading in Diuinitie, as I must thinke it a strange and new Assertion, to proceed out of the mouth of that pretended generall Pa­stor of all Christian soules. I reade indeede, and not in one, or two, or three places of Scripture, that Subiects are bound to obey their Princes for conscience sake, whether they were good or wicked Princes. So saide the people to Iosh. 1.17. Ioshua, As wee obeyed Moses in all things, so will we obey thee. So the Iere. 27.12. Prophet commanded the people to obey the King of Babel, saying, Put your neckes vnder the yoke of the King of Babel, and serue him and his people, that yee may liue. So were the chil­dren of Israel, vnto Exod. 5.1. Pharaoh, desiring him to let them goe: so to Ezra. 1.3. Cyrus, obtaining leaue of him to returne to build the Temple: and in a word, the Rom 13.5.Apostle willed all men to be subiect to the higher powers for conscience sake. Agreeable to the Scriptures did the Fathers teach. Augusi [...]in Psal. 124. Augustine speaking of Iulian, saith, Iulian was an vnbeleeuing Emperour: was he not an Apostata, an Oppressour, and an Idolater? [Page 23] Christian Souldiers serued that vnbeleeuing Emperour: when they came to the cause of CHRIST, they would acknowledge no Lord, but him that is in heauen: When he would haue them to worship Idoles and to sacrifice, they pre­ferred GOD before him: But when hee said, goe forth to fight, inuade such a nation, they pre­sently obeyed. They distinguished their eternall Lord from their temporall, and yet were they subiect euen vnto their temporall lord, for his sake that was their eternall Lord and Master. Tertul [...]ad Scap. Tertullian saith, A Christian is enemie to no man, much lesse to the Prince, whom hee know­eth to be appointed of God: and so of necessitie must loue, reuerence and honour him, and wish him safe with the whole Romane Empire, so long as the world shall last: for so long shall it endure. We honour therefore the Emperour in such sort, as is lawfull for vs, and expedient for him, as a man, the next vnto God, and obtaining from God whatsoeuer hee hath, and onely inferiour vnto God. This the Emperour himselfe would: for so is he greater then all, while hee is inferiour onely to the true God. Iust. Martyr Apol. 2. ad Ant. Imperat. Iustine Martyr; We onely a­dore God, and in all other things cherefully per­forme [Page 24] seruice to you, professing that you are Em­perours and Princes of men. Amb. in orat cont. Auxent [...]ū de basilicis tra­den. habetur lib. 5. Epist. Amb. Ambrose; I may lament, weepe and sigh: My teares are my wea­pons against their armes, souldiers, and the Gothes also: such are the weapons of a Priest: Otherwise neither ought I, neither can I resist. Optat. contra Parmen. lib. 3. Optatus; Ouer the Emperour, there is none but onely God, that made the Emperour. And Greg. Mag. Epist. lib. 2. indict. 11. Epist. 61. Gre­gory writing to Mauritius about a certaine Law, that a souldier should not be receiued into a Monastery, nondū expleta militia, The Almightie God, saith he, holdes him guilty, that is not vpright to the most excellent Emperour in all things that he doth or speaketh. And then calling himselfe the vnworthy seruant of his Godlinesse, goeth on in the whole Epistle to shew the iniustice of that Law, as he preten­deth: and in the ende concludes his Epistle with these words, I being subiect to your com­maund, haue caused the same Law to bee sent through diuers parts of your Dominions: and be­cause the Law it selfe doeth not agree to the Law of the Almightie God, I haue signified the same by my letters to your most excellent Lordship: so that on both parts I haue payed what I ought: [Page 25] because I haue yeelded obedience to the Empe­rour, and haue not holden my peace, in what I thought for God. Now how great a contrari­etie there is betwixt this ancient Popes acti­on in obeying an Emperour by the publica­tion of his Decree, which in his owne consci­ence he thought vnlawfull, and this present Popes prohibition to a Kings Subiects from obedience vnto him in things most lawfull and meere temporall; I remit it to the Rea­ders indifferency. And answerably to the Fa­thers spake the Councels in their decrees. As the Councell of Concil. Are­latense sub Ca­rolo Mag. Can. 26· Arles, submitting the whole Councell to the Emperour in these words: These things we haue decreed to be pre­sented to our lord the Emperor, beseeching his cle­mencie, that if we haue done lesse then we ought, it may be supplied by his wisedome: if any thing otherwise then reason requireth, it may bee cor­rected by his iudgement: if any thing bee found fault with by vs with reason, it may be perfe­cted by his ayd with Gods fauourable assistance.

But why should I speake of Charles the Great, to whom not one Councell, but sixe seuerall Councels, Frankford, Arles, Tours, [Page 26] Chalons, Ments & Rhemes did wholy submit themselues? and not rather speake of all the generall Councels, that of Nice, Constanti­nople, Ephesus, Chalcedon, and the foure other commonly so reputed, which did submit themselues to the Emperours wisdome, and pietie in all things? Insomuch as that of E­phesus repeated it foure seuerall times, That they were summoned by the Emperours Oracle, becke, charge, and command, and betooke them­selues to his Godlinesse, Vide episto­lam generalis Conc. Ephes. ad August. beseeching him, that the decrees made against Nestorius and his fol­lowers, might by his power haue their full force and validitie, as appeareth manifestly in the Epistle of the generall Councell of Ephesus written ad Augustos. I also reade that Christ said, his Iohn 18.36. kingdome was not of this world, bid­ding, Giue to Mat. 22.21. Caesar what was Caesars, and to God what was Gods. And I euer held it for an infallible maxime in Diuinitie, That tempo­rall obedience to a temporal Magistrate did nothing repugne to matters of faith or salua­tion of soules. But that euer temporall obe­dience was against faith and saluation of soules, as in this Breue is alledged, was neuer [Page 27] before heard nor read of in the Christian Church. And therefore I would haue wi­shed the Pope, before he had set downe this commaundement to all Papists here, That since in him is the power, by the infalibility of his spirit, to make new articles of faith when euer it shall please him; that he had first set it downe for an article of faith, before hee had commaunded all Catholikes to be­leeue and obey it. I will then conclude the answere to this point in a Dilemma.

Either it is lawful to obey the Soueraigne in temporall things, or not.Question.

If it be lawfull, (as I neuer heard nor read 1 it doubted of) then why is the Pope so vniust and so cruel towards his owne Catholikes, as to commaund them to disobey their Soue­raignes lawfull commandement?

If it be vnlawful, why hath he neither ex­pressed 2 any one cause or reason thereof, nor yet wil giue thē leaue, (nay rather he should commaund and perswade them in plaine termes) not to liue vnder a King whom vnto they ought no obedience?

And as for the vehement exhortation vn­toAnswere to the Popes ex­hortation. [Page 28] them to perseuere in constancie, and to suffer martyrdome, and all tribulation for this cause; it requireth no other answere then onely this, That if the ground be good whereupon he hath commaunded them to stand, then exhortation to constancie is ne­cessary: but if the ground bee vniust, and naught (as indeed it is, and I haue in part al­ready proued) then this Exhortation of his can work no other effect, then to make him guilty of the blood of so many of his sheep, whom he doeth thus wilfully cast away, not onely to the needlesse losse of their liues, and ruine of their families, but euen to the lay­ing on of a perpetuall flaunder vpon all Pa­pists; as if no zealous Papist could be a true subiect to his Prince; and that the profession of that Religion, and the temporall obe­dience to the Ciuill Magistrate, were two things repugnant & incompatible in them­selues. But euill information, and vntrue re­ports (which beeing carried so farre as be­tweene this and Rome, Fama vires ac­quirit eundo. cannot but increase by the way) might haue abused the Pope, and made him dispatch this Breue so rashly. [Page 29] For that great City, Queene of the World, and as themselues confesse, Eusebius, Oc­cumemus and Leo hold, that by Babylon in 1. Pet. 5.13 Rome is meant, as the Rhemists themselues confesse. mystically Ba­bylon, cannot but be so full of all sorts of in­telligencies. Besides, all complainers (as the Catholikes heere are) be naturally giuen to exaggerate their owne griefes, and multiply thereupon. So that it is no wonder, that euen a Iudge sitting there, should vpon wrong information, giue an vnrighteous sentence; as some of their owne partie doe not sticke to confesse, that Pius Quintus was too rashly caried vpon wrong informa­tion, to pronounce his thunder of Excōmu­nication vpon the late Queene. And it may be, the like excuse shal hereafter be made for the two Breues, which See the Re­lation of the whole pro­ceedings a­gainst the Traitors, Gar­net and his confederates. Clemens octauus sent to England immediatly before her death, for debarring mee of the Crowne, or any other that either would professe, or any wayes tollerate the professors of our Religion; con­trary to his manifold vowes and protestati­ons, simul & eodem tempore, & as it were, de­liuered vno & eodem spiritu, to diuers of my ministers abroad, professing such kindnesse, and shewing such forwardnesse to aduance [Page 30] mee to this Crowne. Nay, the most part of Catholikes heere, finding this Breue when it came to their handes, to bee so farre against diuinity,The Catho­likes opinion of the Breue policy, or naturall sense, were firme­ly perswaded, that it was but a counterfeit Libel, deuised in hatred of the Pope; or at the farthest, a thing hastily done vpon wrong information, as was before saide. Of which opinion were not onely the simpler sort of Papists, but euen some amongst them of best account, both for learning and experience; whereof the Arch-priest himselfe was one. But for soluing of this obiection, the Pope himselfe hath taken new paines by sending foorth a second Breue, onely for giuing faith and confirmation to the former: That whereas before, his sinne might haue beene thought to haue proceeded from rashnesse, and mis-information, he will now wilfully and willingly double the same: whereof the Copie followeth.

TO OVR BELO­ued sonnes the English Ca­tholikes, Paulus P.P. Vius.

BEloued Sonnes,The second Breue. Salutation and Apostolicall benediction. It is reported vnto vs, that there are found certaine amongst you, who when as wee haue sufficiently de­clared by our Letters, dated the last yeere on the tenth of the Calends of October in the forme of a Breue, that ye cannot with safe Conscience take the Oath, which was then required of you; and when as we haue further straightly commanded you, that by no meanes ye should take it; yet there are some, I say, among you, which dare now af­firme, that such Letters concerning the forbid­ding of the Oath, were not written of our owne accord, or of our owne proper will, but rather for the respect and at the instigation of other men. And for that cause, the same men do goe about to perswade you, that our commands in the said let­ters are not to be regarded. Surely this newes did [Page 32] trouble vs; and that so much the more, because hauing had experience of your obedience (most dearely beloued sonnes) who to the end ye might obey this holy Sea, haue godlily, and valiantly contemned your riches, wealth, honour, libertie, yea and life it selfe; we should neuer haue suspe­cted, that the trueth of our Apostolike letters could once be called into question among you, that by this pretence yee might exempt your selues from our commandements. But we doe herein perceiue the subtiltie and craft of the enemie of mans saluation; and wee doe attribute this your backwardnesse rather to him, then to your owne will. And for this cause, we haue thought good to write the second time vnto you, and to signifie vnto you againe, that our Apostolike letters dated the last yeere on the tenth of the Calends of October concerning the prohibition of the Oath, were written not onely vpon our proper motion, and of our certaine knowledge, but also after long and weightie deliberation vsed concerning all those things, which are conteined in them; and for that cause that yee are bound fully to obserue them, reiecting all interpretation perswading to the contrary. And this is our meere, pure, and [Page 33] perfect will, being alwayes carefull of your sal­uation, and alwayes minding those things which are most profitable vnto you. And we doe pray without ceasing, that he that hath appointed our lowlines to the keeping of the flocke of Christ, would inlighten our thoughts and our counsels: whom wee doe also continually desire, that hee would increase in you (our beloued Sonnes) faith, constancy, and mutuall charity and peace one to another. All whom, wee doe most louingly blesse with all charitable affection.

THE ANSWERE to the second Breue.

NOw for this Breue, I may iustly reflect his owne phrase vpon him, in tearming it to bee The craft of the Deuil. For if the De­uil had studied a thousand yeres, for to finde out a mischiefe for our Catholikes here, hee hath found it in this: that now when many Catholiks haue taken their Oath, and some Priests also; yea, the Arch-priest himselfe, without compunction or sticking, they shall not now onely bee bound to refuse the pro­fession of their naturall Allegiance to their Soueraigne, which might yet haue beene some way coloured vpō diuers scruples con­ceiued vpon the wordes of the Oath; but they must now renounce & fors [...]eare their profession of obedience already sworne,A double Oath of euery Subiect. and so must as it were at the third instance for­sweare [Page 35] their former two Oaths, first closely sworne, by their birth in the naturall Alle­giance; and next, clearely confirmed by this Oath, which doeth nothing but expresse the same: so as no man can now hold the faith, or procure the saluation of his sould in Eng­land, that must not abiure and renounce his borne and sworne Allegiance to his naturall Soueraigne.

And yet it is not sufficient to ratifie the last yeeres Breue, by a new one come foorth this yeere; but (that not onely euery yeere, but euery moneth may produce a new mon­ster) the great and famous Writer of the Controuersies, the late vn-Iesuited Cardinall Bellarmine, must adde his talent to this good worke, by blowing the bellowes of sedition, and sharpening the spur to rebellion, by sen­ding such a Letter of his to the Arch-priest here, as it is wonder how passion and an ambitious desire of maintaining that Mo­narchie, should charme the wits of so fa­mously learned a man.

The Copie where of here followeth.

TO THE VERY RE­uerend Mr. George Blackwel, Arch-priest of the English: Robert Bel­larmine Cardinall of the holy Church of Rome, greeting.

REuerend Sir, and Brother in CHRIST, It is almost fourty yeeres since we did see one the other: but yet I haue neuer bin vnmindful of our ancient ac­quaintance, neither haue I ceased, seeing I could doe you no other good, to commend your labou­ring most painfully in the Lords vineyard, in my prayers to GOD. And I doubt not, but that I haue liued all this while in your memory, and haue had some place in your prayers at the Lords Altar. So therefore euen vnto this time wee haue abidden, as S. Iohn speaketh, in the mutuall loue one of the other, not by word or letter, but in deede and trueth. But a late message which was brought vnto vs within these few dayes, of your bonds and imprisonment, hath inforced mee [Page 37] to breake off this silence; which message, al­though it seemed heauy in regard of the losse which that Church hath receiued, by their beeing thus depriued of the comfort of your pastorall function among them, yet withall it seemed ioy­ous, because you drewe neere vnto the glory of Martyrdome, then the which gift of God there is none more happy; That you, who haue fed your flocke so many yeeres with the word and doctrine, should now feed it more gloriously by the example of your patience. But another hea­uy tidings did not a litle disquiet and almost take away this ioy, which immediatly followed, of the aduersaries assault, and peraduenture of the slip and fall of your Constancy in refusing an vn­lawfull Oath. Neither truely (most deare Bro­ther) could that Oath therfore be lawfull, because it was offered in sort tempered and modified: for you know that those kinde of modifications are nothing else, but sleights & subtilties of Sathan, that the Catholique faith touching the Primacie of the Sea Apostolique, might either secretly or openly be shot at, for the which faith so many worthy Martyrs euen in that very England it selfe, haue resisted vnto blood. For most certaine [Page 38] it is, that in whatsoeuer wordes the Oath is con­ceiued by the aduersaries of the faith in that Kingdome, it tends to this end, that the authori­tie of the head of the Church in England, may be transferred from the successour of S. Peter, to the Successour of K. Henry the eight. For that which is pretended of the danger of the Kings life, if the high Priest should haue the same pow­er in England, which hee hath in all other Chri­stian Kingdomes, it is altogether idle, as all that haue any vnderstanding, may easily perceiue. For it was neuer heard of from the Churches in­fancy vntill this day, that euer any Pope did command that any Prince, though an Heretike, though an Ethnike, though a Persecutor, should be murdered; or did approue of the fact when it was done by any other. And why, I pray you, doeth onely the King of England feare that, which none of all other the Princes in Christendome ei­ther doeth feare, or euer did feare?

But, as I saide, these vaine pretexts are but the trappes and stratagemes of Satan: Of which kinde I could produce not a f [...]we out of Anci­ent Stories, if I went about to write a book [...] and not an Epistle. One onely for example sake I will [Page 39] call to your memory S. Gregorius Nazianze­nus in his first Oration against Iulian the Empe­rour, reporteth, That he, the more easily to be­guile the simple Christians, did insert the Images of the false gods into the pictures of the Emperor, which the Romanes did vse to bow dawne vn­to with a ciuill kind of reuerence: so that no man could doe reuerence to the Emperours picture, but withall he must adore the Images of the false gods; whereupon it came to passe that many were deceiued. And if there were any that found out the Emperours craft, and refused to worship his picture, those were most grieuously punished, as men that had contemned the Emperour in his Image. Some such like thing, me thinkes, I see in the Oath that is offered to you, which is to so craftily composed, that no man can detest Trea­son against the King and make profession of his Ciuill subiection, but he must be constrained per­fidiously to denie the Primacie of the Apostolike Sea. But the seruants of Christ, and especially the chiefe Priests of the Lord ought to be so farre from taking an vnlawfull Oath, where they may indamage the Faith, that they ought to beware that they giue not the least suspicion of dissimu­lation [Page 40] that they haue taken it, least they might seeme to haue left any example of preuarication to faithfull people. Which thing that worthy E­leazar did most notably performe, who would neither eate swines flesh, nor so much as faine to haue eaten it, although hee saw the great tor­ments that did hang ouer his head; least, as him­selfe speaketh in the second booke of the Macha­bees, many yong men might be brought through that similation, to preuaricate with the Law. Neither did Basil the great by his example, which is more fit for our purpose, carrie himselfe lesse worthily toward Valens the Emperour. For as Theodoret writeth in his Historie, when the Deputy of that heretical Emperour did perswade Saint Basill, that he would not resist the Empe­rour for a little subtiltie of a few points of do­ctrine; that most holy and prudent man made an­swere, That it was not to bee indured, that the least syllable of Gods word should bee corrupted, but rather all kind of torment was to be embraced, for the maintenance of the Trueth thereof. Now I suppose, that there wants not amongst you, who say that they are but subtilties of Opinions that are conteined in the [Page 41] Oath that is offred to the Catholikes, and that you are not to striue against the Kings Authori­tie for such a little matter. But there are not wanting also amongst you holy men like vnto Basil the Great, which will openly auow, that the very least syllable of Gods diuine trueth is not to be corrupted, though many torments were to be endured, and death it selfe set before you. Amongst whom it is meete, that you should bee one, or rather the Standerd-bearer, and Gene­rall to the rest. And whatsoeuer hath beene the cause, that your Constancie hath quailed, whe­ther it bee the suddennesse of your apprehension, or the bitternesse of your persecution, or the im­becillitie of your old age: yet we trust in the good­nesse of God, & in your owne long continued vertue, that it will come to passe, that as you seeme in some part to haue imitated the fall of Peter, and Marcellinus, so you shall happily imi­tate their valour in recouering your strength, and maintaining the truth. For if you will diligently weigh the whole matter with your selfe, truely you shall see, it is no small matter that is called in question by this Oath, but one of the principall heads of our faith and foundations of Catholique [Page 42] Religion. For heare what your Apostle S. Gre­gory the Great hath written, in his 24. Epistle of his 11. booke. Let not the reuerence due to the Apostolique Sea, bee troubled by any mans presumption: for then the estate of the members doeth remaine entire, when the head of the faith is not bruised by any iniu­ry. Therefore by S. Gregories testimonie, when they are busie about disturbing or diminishing, or taking away of the Primacie of the Apostolique Sea: then are they busie about cutting off the ve­rie head of the faith, and dissoluing of the state of the whole body, and of all the members. Which selfe same thing S. Leo doth confirme in his third Sermon of his Assumption to the Popedome, when he saith, Our Lord had a speciall care of Peter, & prayed properly for Peters faith, as though the state of others were more stable, when their Princes minde was not to be ouer come. Whereupon himselfe in his Epistle to the Bishops of the prouince of Vienna, doeth not doubt to affirme, that he is not partaker of the diuine Mystery, that dare depart from the so­lidity of Peter, who also saith, That who thin­keth the Primacy to be denied to that Sea, [Page 43] he can in no sort lessen the authority of it: but by beeing puft vp with the spirit of his own pride, doth cast himself headlong into hel. These & many other of this kind, I am very sure are most familiar to you: who besides many other bookes, haue diligently read ouer the visible Monarchie of your owne Saunders, a most dili­gent writer, and one who hath worthily deser­ued of the Church of England. Neither can you be ignorant, that these most holy & learned men Iohn Bishop of Rochester, and Tho. Moore, within our memorie, for this one most weightie head of doctrine, led the way to Martyrdome to many others, to the exceeding glory of the Eng­lish nation. But I would put you in remem­brance that you should take hart, & considering the weightines of the cause, not to trust too much to your owne iudgement, neither be wise aboue that is meete to be wise: and if peraduenture your fall haue proceeded not vpon want of con­sideration, but through humane infirmity, & for feare of punishment and imprisonment, yet doe not preferre a temporall liberty to the libertie of the glory of the Sonnes of God: neither for esca­ping a light and momentanie tribulation, lose an [Page 44] eternall weight of glory, which tribulation it self doth worke in you. You haue fought a good fight a long time, you haue well neere finished your course; so many yeres haue you kept the faith: doe not therefore lose the reward of such labours; do not depriue your selfe of that crown of righte­ousnesse which so long agone is prepared for you, Doe not make the faces of so many yours both brethren and children ashamed. Vpon you at this time are fixed the eyes of all the Church: yea al­so, you are made a spectacle to the world, to An­gels, to men; Do not so carry your self in this your last acte, that you leaue nothing but laments to your friends, and ioy to your enemies. But ra­ther on the contrary, which we assuredly hope, & for which we continually power forth prayers to God, display gloriously the banner of faith, and make to reioyce the Church which you haue made heauie; so shall you not onely merite pardon at Gods hands, but a crowne. Farewell. Quite you like a man, and let your heart be strengthened. From Rome. the 28. day of September, 1607.

Your very Reuerendships brother and seruant in Christ, Robert Bellarmine Cardinall.

THE ANSWERE to the Cardinals Letter.

AND now that I am to enter in­to the fielde against him by re­futing his Letter, I must first vse this protestation; That no de­sire of vaine glory by matching with so learned a man, maketh mee to vndertake this taske; but onely the care & conscience I haue, that such smooth Circes charmes and guilded pilles, as full of exterior elo­quence, as of in ward vntruthes, may not haue that publike passage through the world without an answere: whereby my reputation might vniustly be darkened, by such cloudy and foggy mists of vntruthes and false imputations, the hearts of vnstay­ed and simple men be mis-led, & the trueth itselfe smothered.

But before I come to the particular an­swere of this Letter, I must here desire the [Page 46] world to wonder with me,A great mista­king of the state of the Question and case in hand. at the commit­ting of so grosse an errour by so learned a man: as that hee should haue pained him­selfe to haue set downe so elaborate a letter, for the refutation of a quite mistaken que­stion. For it appeareth, that our English Fu­gitiues, of whose inward societie with him he so greatly vaunteth, haue so fast hamme­red in his head the Oath of Supremacie, which hath euer bin so great a scarre vnto them, as he thinking by his letter to haue refuted the last Oath, hath in place thereof onely paid the Oath of Supremacie, which was most in his head: as a man that being earnestly caried in his thoughts vpon ano­ther matter, then he is presently in doing, will often name the matter or person hee is thinking of, in place of the other thing he hath at that time in hand.

The difference betweene the Oath of Su­premacie, and this of Alle­giance.For, as the Oath of Supremacie was de­uised for putting a difference betweene Pa­pists, and them of our profession: so was this Oath, which he would seeme to im­pugne, ordained for making a difference between the ciuilly obedient Papists, & the [Page 47] peruerse disciples of the powder-Treason. Yet doth all his letter runne vpon an Inue­ctiue against the Compulsion of Catho­liques to deny the authoritie of Saint Peters Successors; and in place thereof to acknow­ledge the Successors of King Henry the eight. For, in King Henry the eights time was the Oath of Supremacie first made: by him were Thomas Moore and Roffensis put to death, partly for refusing of it. From his time til novv haue al the Princes of this land pro­fessing this Religion, successiuely in effect maintained the same and in that Oath only is contained the Kings absolute povver, to be iudge ouer all persons, asvvel Ciuil as Ec­clesiastical; excluding al forraine povvers and Potentates to be iudges vvithin his Domini­ons: vvheras this last made Oath containeth no such matter, onely medling vvith the ci­uil obedience of subiects to their Soueraigne, in meere temporall causes.

And that it may the better appeare, that vvhereas by name he seemeth to condemne the last Oath; yet indeed his vvhole Letter runneth vpon nothing, but vpon the con­demnation [Page 48] of the Oath of Supremacie: I haue here thought good to set downe the saide Oath, leauing it then to the discretion of euery indifferent reader to iudge, whe­ther hee doeth not in substance onely an­swere to the Oath of Supremacie, but that he giueth the child a wrong name.

I A B. doe vtterly testifie and declare in my Conscience, that the Kings Highnesse is the onely Supreame Gouernour of this Realme, and all other his Highnesse Dominions and Counties, as well in all Spirituall or Ecclesiasti­call things or causes, as Temporall: And that no forraine Prince, Person, Prelate, State or Po­tentate, hath or ought to haue any Iurisdiction, Power, Superioritie, Preeminence or Authoritie Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall within this Realme. And therefore, I do vtterly renounce and forsake all forreine Iurisdictions, Powers, Superiorities and authorities; and do promise that from hence­foorth I shall beare faith and true Allegiance to the Kings Highnesse, his Heires and law­full Successors: and to my power shall assist and defend all iurisdictions, Priuiledges, Pre [...]mi­nences and Authorities graunted or belonging to [Page 49] the Kings Highnesse, his Heires and Succes­sours, or vnited and annexed to the Imperiall Crowne of the Realme: So helpe mee God: and by the Contents of this booke.

And that the iniustice, as well as the er­rour of his grosse mistaking in this point, may yet be more clearely discouered; I haue also thought good to insert here immediatly after the Oath of Supremacie, the contrary Conclusions to all the points and Articles, whereof this other late Oath doeth consist: whereby it may appeare, what vnreasonable and rebellious points hee would driue my Subiects vnto, by refusing the whole body of that Oath, as it is conceiued. For he that shall refuse to take this Oath, must of neces­sitie hold all, or some of these propositions following.

That I, King IAMES, am not the lawfull 1 King of this Kingdome, and of all other my Dominions.

That the Pope by his owne authoritie 2 may depose me. If not by his owne autho­ritie, yet by some other authoritie of the Church, or of the Sea of Rome. If not by [Page 50] some other authoritie of the Church & Sea of Rome, yet by other meanes with others helpe, he may depose me.

3 That the Pope may dispose of my King­domes and Dominions.

4 That the Pope may giue authoritie to some forren Prince to inuade my Domini­ons.

5 That the Pope may discharge my Sub­iects of their Allegiance and Obedience to me.

6 That the Pope may giue licence to one, or more of my Subiects to beare armes a­gainst me.

7 That the Pope may giue leaue to my Sub­iects to offer violence to my Person, or to my Gouernement, or to some of my Subiects.

8 That if the Pope shall by sentence excom­municate or depose me, my Subiects are not to beare Faith and Allegiance to me.

9 If the Pope shall by Sentence excommu­nicate or depose mee, my Subiects are not bound to defend with all their power my Person and Crowne.

10 If the Pope shall giue out any Sentence [Page 51] of Excommunication or Depriuation against me, my Subiects by reason of that sentence are not bound to reueale all Conspiracies and Treasons against mee, which shal come to their hearing and knowledge.

That it is not hereticall and detestable to 11 hold, that Princes being excommunicated by the Pope, may be either deposed or killed by their Subiects, or any other.

That the Pope hath power to absolue my 12 Subiects from this Oath, or from some part thereof.

That this Oath is not administred to my 13 Subiects, by a full and lawfull authoritie.

That this Oath is to be taken with Equi­uocation,14 mental euasion, or secret reseruati­on: and not with the heart and good will, sincerely in the true faith of a Christian man.

These are the true and naturall branches of the body of this Oath. The affirmatiue of all which negatiues, doe neither concerne in any case the Popes Supremacie in spiritual causes: nor yet were euer concluded,Touching the pretended Councel of Lateran. See Plat. In vita Innocen. III. and de­fined by any complete generall Councell to belong to the Popes authoritie; and their [Page 52] owne schoole Doctors are at irreconciliable oddes and iarres about them.

And that the world may yet farther see ours and the whole States setting downe of this Oath, did not proceed from any new in­uention of our owne,The Oath of Allegiance confirmed by the authoritie of ancient Councels. but as it is warranted by the word of GOD: so doeth it take the example from an Oath of Allegiance de­creed a thousand yeeres agone, which a fa­mous Councel then, together with diuers o­ther Councels, were so farre from condem­ning (as the Pope now hath done this Oath) as I haue thought good to set downe their owne words here in that purpose: whereby it may appeare that I craue nothing now of my Subiects in this Oath, which was not ex­presly and carefully commanded then, by the Councels to be obeyed without excepti­on of persons. Nay, not in the very particular point of equiuocation, which I in this Oath was so carefull to haue eschewed: but you shall here see the said Councels in their De­crees,The ancient Councels prouided for Equiuocation as carefull to prouide for the eschewing of the same; so as almost euery point of that Action, and this of ours shall be found to [Page 53] haue relation and agreeance one with the o­ther, saue only in this, that those ould Coun­cels were carefull and strait in commanding the taking of the same:The diffe­rence between the ancient Councels, and the Pope counselling of the Catho­likes. whereas by the con­trary, he that novv vanteth himselfe to bee head of all Councels, is as carefull and strait in the prohibition of all men from the ta­king of this Oath of Allegiance.

The vvordes of the Councell bee these. Heare our Sentence.

Whosoeuer of vs, Concil. Toletan. 4 can 47. Ann. 633. or of all the people thorow­out all Spaine, shall goe about by any meanes of conspiracie or practise, to violate the Oath of his fidelitie, which he hath taken for the preseruation of his Countrey, or of the Kings life; or who shall attempt to put violent hands vpon the King; or to depriue him of his kingly power; or that by tyrannicall presumption would vsurpe the Soueraigntie of the Kingdome: let him bee accursed in the sight of God the Father, and of his Angels; and let him be made and declared a stranger from the Catholike Church, which he hath prophaned by his periurie, & an aliant from the company of all Christian people; together with all the complices of his impietie: because it [Page 54] behooueth all those that bee guiltie of the like of­fence, to vnder-lie the like punishment. Which sentence is three seuerall times together, and almost in the same wordes, repeated in the same Canon. After this, the Synode desired, That this Sentence of theirs now this third time rehearsed, might be confirmed by the voyce and consent of all that were present. Then the whole Clergie and people answered, Whosoeuer shal ca­ry himselfe presumptuously against this your de­finitiue sentence, let them be Anathema marana­tha, that is, let them be vtterly destroyed at the Lords comming, and let them and their complices haue their portion with Iudas Iscarioth. Amen.

And in the fift Concil. Tole­tan. 5. Can. 7. anno. 636. Councell, there it is de­creed, That this Acte touching the Oath of Allegiance, shall bee repeated in euery Councell of the Bishops of Spaine. The Decree is in these wordes: In consideration that the mindes of men are easily inclined to euill and forgetfulnesse, therefore this most holy Sy­node hath ordeined; and doeth enact, That in euery Councell of the Bishops of Spaine, the Decree of the generall Synod. Tole­tan 4. vniuer­salis, & magna Synodus dicta, Syn. T [...]l 5. ca. 2. Councell which was made for the safetie of our Princes, shall be with [Page 55] an audible voyce proclaimed & pronounced, af­ter the conclusion of all other things in the Sy­node: that so it being often sounded in their eares, at least by continuall remembrance, the mindes of wicked men being terrified might bee reformed, which by obliuion & facilitie [to euill] are brought to preuaricate.

And in the sixt Concil. To­let. 6. Can. 18 Anno 638. Councell, We doe protest before God, and all the orders of Angels, in the presence of the Prophets and Apostles, and all the company of Martyrs, and before all the Catholike Church, and assemblies of the Christians; That no man shall goe about to seeke the destruction of the King: No man shall touch the life of the Prince; No man shall depriue him of the King­dome; No man by any tyrannicall presumption shall vsurpe to himselfe the soueraigntie of the Kingdome; No man by any Machination shall in his aduersitie associate to himselfe any packe of conspirators against him; And that if any of vs shalbe presumptuous by rashnesse in any of these cases, let him be strickē with the anatheme of God, and reputed as condemned in eternall iudgement without any hope of recouery.

And in the tenth Concil. Tolet. 10 Can. 2. Aera. 694. Councell (to omit di­uers [Page 56] others held also at Toledo) it is said; That if any religious man, euen from the Bishop to the lowest Order of the Church-men or Monkes, shall be found to haue violated the generall Oathes made for the preseruation of the Kings person, or of the nation and Countrey with a profane minde; forthwith let him be depriued of all dig­nitie, and excluded from all place and honour. The occasion of the Decrees made for this Oath, was, That the Christians were suspe­cted for want of fidelitie to their Kings; and did either equiuocate in taking their Oath, or make no conscience to keepe it, when they had giuen it: as may appeare by sundry speeches in the Concil. Tole­tan. 4. cap. 74. Councell, saying, There is a generall report, that there is that perfidiousnes in the mindes of many poeple of diuerse Nations, that they make no conscience to keepe the Oath and fidelitie that they haue sworne vnto their Kings: but doe dissemble a profession of fidelitie in their mouthes, when they hold an impious per­fidiousnes in their minds. And Concil. To­let 4. cap 74. againe, They sweare to their Kings, and yet doe they preuari­cate in the fidelitie which they haue promised: Neither do they feare the volume of Gods iudge­ment, [Page 57] by the which the curse of God is brought vpon them, with great threatning of punishments, which doe sweare lyingly in the Name of God. To the like effect spake they in the Councel of Concil. A. quisgran sub Ludou. Pio, & Greg. 4. Can. 12. anno 836. Aquisgran: If any of the Bishops, or other Church-man of inferiour degree, hereaf­ter thorow feare or couetousnes, or any other per­swasion, shall make defection from our Lord the Orthodoxe Emperour Lodowicke, or shall vio­late the Oath of fidelitie made vnto him, or shall with their peruerse intention adhere to his ene­mies; let him by this Canonicall and Synodall sentence be depriued of whatsoeuer place hee is possessed of.

And now to come to a particular answere of his letter. First as concerning the sweete memory hee hath of his old acquaintance with the Arch-priest; it may indeed be plea­sing for him to recount: but sure I am, his acquaintance with him and the rest of his societie, our Fugitiues (whereof he also van­teth himselfe in his preface to the Reader in his booke of Controuersies) hath prooued sowre to vs and our State. For some of such Priests and Iesuits, as were the greatest Trai­tours [Page 58] and fomenters of the greatest conspi­racies against the late Queen, gaue vp father Robert Bellarmine for one of their greatest authorities and oracles.Campian and Hart. See the conference in the Tower. And therefore I doe not enuie the great honor he can win, by his vaunt of his inward familiaritie with an o­ther Princes traitours and fugitiues: whom vnto if he teach no better maners then hi­therto he hath done, I thinke his fellowship are little beholding vnto him.

And for desiring him to remember him in his prayers at the altar of the Lord: if the Arch-priests prayers prooue no more profi­table to his soule, then Bellarmines counsel is like to proue profitable, both to the soule and body of Blackwel (if he would follow it) the author of this letter might very wel be with­out his prayers.

Now the first messenger that I can finde, which brought ioyfull newes of the Arch­priest to Bellarmine, was he that brought the newes of the Arch-priests taking, and first appearance of Martyrdome. A great signe surely of the Cardinals mortification, that he was so reioyced to heare of the apprehen­sion, [Page 59] imprisonment and appearance of put­ting to death of so old and deare a friend of his. But yet apparantly he should first haue bene sure, that he was onely to be punished for cause of Religion, before hee had so tri­umphed vpon the expectation of his Mar­tyrdome. For first,The Cardi­nals charitie. by what rule of charitie was it lawfull for him to iudge me a persecu­tour, before proofe had bene made of it by the said Arch-priestes condemnation and death? What could hee know, that the said Arch-priest was not taken vpon suspicion of his guiltinesse in the Powder-Treason? What certaine information had he then re­ceiued vpon the particulars, whereupon hee was to be accused? And last of all, by what inspiration could he foretell whereupon hee was to bee accused? For at that time there was yet nothing layed to his charge. And if charitie should not be suspicious, what war­rant had he absolutely to condemne mee of vsing persecution and tyrannie, which could not be but emplied vpon me, if Blackwel was to be a Martyr? but surely it may iustly be said of Bellarmine in this case, that our Sauiour [Page 60] CHRIST saith of all worldly and carnall men, who thinke it enough to loue their Mat. 5.43. friends and hate their enemies; the limits of the Cardinals charitie extending no far­ther, then to them of his owne profession. For what euer he added in superfluous cha­ritie to Blackwel, in reioycing in the specula­tion of his future Martyrdome; he detracted as much vniustly and vncharitably from me, in accounting of me thereby as of a bloody Persecutour. And whereas this ioy of his was interrupted by the next messenger, that brought the newes of the said Arch-priest his failing in his constancie, by taking of this Oath; he needed neuer to haue bene trou­bled, either with his former ioy or his second sorrow, both being alike falsly grounded. For as it was neuer my intention to lay any thing vnto the said Arch-priests charge, as I haue neuer done to any for cause of consci­ence; so was Blackwels constancie neuer brangled by taking of this Oath; It being a thing which he euer thought lawfull before his apprehension, and whereunto hee per­swaded all Catholikes to giue obedience; [Page 61] like as after his apprehension, he neuer made doubt or stop in it; but at the first offering it vnto him, did freely take it, as a thing most lawfull; neither meanes of threatning or flatterie being euer vsed vnto him, as him­selfe can yet beare witnesse.

And as for the temperature and modifi­cation of this Oath; except that a reasonable and lawfull matter is there set downe in rea­sonable & temperate words, agreeing there­unto: I know not what he can meane, by quarelling it for that fault. For no temperat­nes nor modifications in words therein, can iustly be called the Deuils craft, when the thing it selfe is so plaine, and so plainely in­terpreted to all them that take it; as the one­ly troublesome thing in it all, bee the words vsed in the end thereof, for eschewing aequi­uocation and mentall reseruation. Which new Catholique doctrine, may farre iustlier bee called the Deuils craft, then any plaine and temperate words, in so plaine and cleare a matter. But what shal we say of these strange countrey clownes, whom of with the Satyre we may iustly complaine, that they blovv [Page 62] both hote and cold out of one mouth? For Luther and our bolde and free speaking Writers are mightily railed vpon by them, as hot brained fellovves, and speakers by the Deuils instinct: and novv if vve speake mode­rately and temperately of them, it must bee tearmed the Deuils craft. And therefore we may iustly complaine vvith CHRIST, that when we Matth. 11.17 mourne, they wil not lament: and when vve pipe, they vvill not dance. But nei­ther Iohn Baptist his seueritie, nor CHRIST his meekenesse and lenitie can please them, vvho build but to their owne Monarchie vp­on the ground of their ovvn Traditions; and not to CHRIST vpon the ground of his Word and infallible trueth.

But vvhat can bee meant by alleadging, that the craft of the Deuill herein, is onely vsed for subuersion of the Catholique faith, and euersion of S. Peters Primacie; had need bee commented anevv by Bellarmine him­selfe. For in all this Letter of his, neuer one vvord is vsed, to proue that by any part of this Oath the primacy of S. Peter is any vvay medled vvith, except Master Bellarmine his [Page 63] bare alledging; which without prouing it by more cleare demonstration, can neuer satis­fie the conscience of any reasonable man. For (for ought that I know) heauen and earth are no farther asunder, then the professon of a temporall obedience to a temporall King, is different from any thing belonging to the Catholique faith, or Supremacie of S. Peter. For as for the Catholique faith;No decision of any point of Religion in the Oath of Allegiance. can there bee one word found in all that Oath, tending or sounding to matter of Religion? Doeth he that taketh it, promise there to be­leeue, or not to beleeue any article of Reli­gion? Or doeth he so much as name a true or a false Church there? And as for S. Peters Primacie; I know no Apostles name that is therein named, except the name of IAMES, it being my Christen name: though it please him not to deigne to name me in all the Let­ter, albeit, the contents thereof concerne me in the highest degree. Neither is there any mention at all made therein, either disertis verbis, or by any other indirect meanes, ei­ther of the Hierarchie of the Church, of S. Peters succession, of the Sea Apostolike, or of [Page 64] any such matter: but that the Author of our Letter doeth brauely make mention of S. Peters succession, bringing it in comparison with the succession of Henry the eight. Of which vnapt and vnmannerly similitude, I wonder hee should not bee much ashamed. For as to King Henries successour (which he meaneth by mee) as I, I say, neuer did, nor will presume to create any article of fayth, or to bee Iudge thereof; but to submit my ex­emplary obedience vnto them, in as great humilitie as the meanest of the land: so if the Pope could bee as well able to proue his either Person all or Doctrinall Succession from S. Peter, as I am able to proue my li­neall descent from the Kings of England and Scotland; there had neuer been so long adoe, nor so much sturre kept about this question in Christendome; neither had Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 4. cap. 6. Ibid. lib. 2. ca 12 M. Bellar­mine himselfe needed to haue bestowed so many sheetes of paper De summo Pontifice, in his great bookes of Controuersies: and when all is done, to conclude with a morall certitude, and a piè credēdum: bringing in the Idem. ibidem lib. 2. cap. 14. Popes, that are parties in this cause, to bee [Page 65] his witnesses: and yet their historicall narra­tion must be no article of faith. And I am without vantrie sure, that I doe farre more neerely imitate the worthy actions of my Predecessors, then the Popes in our age can be well proued to be similes Petro, especially in cursing of Kings, and setting free their Subiects from their Allegiance vnto them.

But now we come to his strongest argu­ment; which is, That he would alledge vp­on me a Panick terrour, as if I were possessed with a needlesse feare. For, The Cardi­nals weigh­iest Argu­ment. saith the Cardi­nall, from the beginning of the Churches first infancie, euen to this day, where was it euer heard, that euer a Pope either commanded to be killed, or allowed the slaughter of any Prince whatsoeuer, whether he were an Hereticke, an Ethnike or Persecutor? But first, wherefore doth he here wilfully, and of purpose omit the rest of the points mentioned in that Oath, for deposing, degrading, stirring vp of arms or rebelling against them, vvhich are as vvell mentioned in tha [...] Oath, as the killing of them? as being all of one consequence a­gainst a King, no Subiect being so scrupu­lous, [Page 66] as that hee will attempt the one, and leaue the other vnperformed if he can. And yet surely I cannot blame him for passing it ouer, since he could not otherwise haue es­chewed the direct belying of himselfe in tearmes, which hee now doeth but in sub­stance and effect. For Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 5. cap. 8. & lib. 3. cap. 16. as for the Popes de­posing and degrading of Kings, hee maketh so braue vaunts and bragges of it in his for­mer bookes, as he could neuer with ciuil ho­nesty haue denied it here.

But to returne to the Popes allowing of killing of Kings, I know not with what face hee can sent so stout a deniall vpon it against his owne knowledge. How many Empe­rors did the Pope raise warre against in their owne bowels? Who as they were ouercome in battaile, were subiect to haue bene killed therein; which I hope the Pope could not but haue allowed, when hee was so farre in­raged at Gotfrid. Vi­te [...]b. Helmod. Cuspinian. Henry the fift for giuing buriall to his fathers dead corps, after the Pascal. 2. Pope had stirred him vp to rebell against his father, and procured his ruine. But leauing these old Histories to Bellarmines owne bookes [Page 67] that doe most authentically cite them, as I haue already said; let vs turne our eyes vpon our owne time, and therein remember what a Panegyrik See the O­ration of Six­tus Quintus, made in the Consistory vpon the death of Hen­ry the 3. oration was made by the Pope, in praise and approbation of the Frier and his fact, that murthered king Henry the third of France who was so farre from either being Heretike, Ethnike or Persecutor in their ac­count, that the said Popes owne wordes in that oration are, That a true Frier hath killed a counterfeit Frier. And besides that vehe­ment oration and congratulation for that fact; how neere it scaped, that the said Frier was not canonized for that glorious acte, is better knowen to Bellarmine and his follow­ers, then to vs here.

But sure I am, if some Cardinals had not beene more wise and circumspect in that er­rand, then the Pope himselfe was, the Popes owne Kalender of his Saints would haue suf­ficiently proued Bellarmine a liar in this case. And to draw yet nerer vnto our selues; how many practises and attempts were made a­gainst the late Queenes life, which were di­rectly enioyned to those Traitours by their [Page 68] Confessors, and plainely authorized by the Popes allowance? For verification whereof there needes no more proofe, then that ne­uer Pope either then or since, called any Church-man in question for medling in those treasonable conspiracies; nay, the Car­dinals owne S. Sanderus mentioned in his letter could well verifie this trueth, if he were aliue; and who will looke his bookes, will find them filled with no other doctrine then this. And what difference there is betweene the killing or allowing the slaughter of Kings, and the stirring vp and approbation of practises to kil them; I remit to Bellarmines owne iudgement. It may then very clearely appeare, how strangely this Authours pas­sion hath made him forget himselfe, by im­plicating himselfe in so strong a contradicti­on against his owne knowledge and consci­ence, against the witnesse of his former bookes, and against the practise of our owne times. But who can wonder at this contra­diction of himselfe in this point, when his owne great Volumes are so filled with con­tradictions? which when either he, or any o­ther [Page 69] shall euer be able to reconcile, I wil then beleeue that he may easily reconcile this im­pudent strong deniall of his in his letter, of a­ny Popes medling against Kings, with his owne former bookes, as I haue alreadie said.

And that I may not seeme to imitate him in affirming boldly that which I no wayes proue; I will therefore send the Reader to looke for witnesses of his contradictions, in such places heere mentioned in his owne booke. In his booke, of Bellar de Iu­stif. lib. 5. cap. 7. Iustification, there he affirmeth, That for the vncertaintie of our owne proper righteousnes, and for auoiding of vaine glory, it is most sure and safe, to repose our whole confidence in the alone mercie and goodnes of God; Contrary to all his fiue bookes de Iu­stificatione. Which proposition of his, is directly contrary to the discourse, and cur­rent of all his fiue bookes de Iustificatione, wherein the same is conteined.

God doeth not encline a man to euill, neither Bellar. de a­mis. gra. & s [...]at. pecca. lib. 2. cap. 13. naturally or morally.

Presently after he affirmeth the contrary, That God doeth not encline to euill naturally, but Ibidem paulò pòst. morally.

All the Fathers teach constantly, That [Page 70] Bellar. de cle­icis, lib. 1. cap. [...]4. Bishops do succeede the Apostles, and Priestes the seuentie disciples.

Elsevvhere he affirmeth the contrary, That Bellar. de P [...]nt. lib. 4 cap. [...]5. Bishops do not properly succeed the Apostles.

That Bellar. de [...]ont. lib. 1. cap. [...]2. Iudas did not beleeue

Contrary, That B [...]llar. de [...]ustif. lib. 3. cap. 14. Iudas was iust and cer­tainely good.

The keeping of the Bellar. de gra & lib. arbit. lib. 5. cap. 5. Law according to the sub­stance of the worke, doeth require that the Com­mandement be so kept, that sinne be not commit­ted, and the man bee not guiltie for hauing not kept the Commandement.

Contrary,Eodem lib. [...]ap. 9. It is to bee knowen, that it is not all one, to doe a good morall worke, and to keepe the Commandement according to the substance of the worke. For the Commandement may be kept according to the substance of the worke, e­uen with sinne; as if one should restore to his friend the thing committed to him of trust, to the end that theeues might afterward take it from him.

Bell. de Pont. lib. 4. cap. 3.Peter did not loose that faith, whereby the heart beleeueth vnto iustification.

Contrary,Bell. de Iust. [...]ib. 3. cap. 14. Peters sinne was deadly.

Bell. de Rom. Pontif. lib. 3. [...]ap. 14. Antichrist shall bee a Magician, and after [Page 71] the maner of other Magicians shall secretly wor­ship the Deuill.

Ibid. ex sen­ [...]ent. Hypol. & [...]yril. & cap. 12. eiusdem [...]ibri.Contrary, He shall not admit of idolatrie: he shall hate idoles, and reedifie the Temple.

By the words of Bellar. lib. 1. [...]e missa. cap. 27 Consecration the true and solemne oblation is made.

Contrary, The sacrifice doeth not consist in the words: but in the Bellar. de [...]ss lib. 2. cap. 2. oblation of the thing it selfe.

Bellar. de inim. Christ. [...]b. 4. cap. 5. That the ende of the world cannot bee knowen.

Bellarm. de Pont. lib. 3. cap. 17.Contrary, After the death of Antichrist, there shall bee but fiue and fourtie daies till the ende of the world.

Bellarm. de [...]on. lib 3. cap. 3. That the tenne Kings shall burne the scar­let Whoore, that is Rome.

Bellarm. ibid.Contrary, Antichrist shall hate Rome, and fight against it, and burne it.

Bellarm. de Pont. lib. 2. cap. 31. The name of vniuersall Bishop may be vn­derstood two wayes; one way, that hee which is said to be vniuersal Bishop, may be thought to be the onely Bishop of all Christian cities; so that all others are not indeed Bishops, but only Vicars to him, who is called vniuersal Bishop: in which sense, the Pope is not vniuersall Bishop.

[Page 72]Contrary, All ordinary Bellar. de Pon­tif. lib. 2 cap. 24. iurisdiction of Bi­shops doeth descend immediatly from the Pope; and is in him, and from him is deriued to others. Which few places I haue onely selected a­mongst many the like, that the discret and iudicious Reader may discerne ex vngue Le­onem. For when euer hee is pressed with a weightie obiection, he neuer careth, nor re­membreth how his solution and answere to that, may make him gainesay his owne doctrine in some other places, so it serue him for a shift to put off the present storme withall.

But now to returne to our matter againe: Since Popes, saith hee, haue neuer at any time medled against Kings, wherefore, I pray you, should onely the King of England bee afraid of that, whereof neuer Christian King is, or was a­fraid? Was neuer Chistian Emperour or King afraid of the Popes? How then were these miserable Emperours tost and turmoi­led, and in the end vtterly ruined by the Popes: for proofe whereof I haue already ci­ted Bellarmines owne bookes? Was not the Henry 4. Emperour afraid, who Abbas Vrspergen. Lamb. Scaffin. Anno 1077. Plat. in vit. Greg. 7. waited bare­footed [Page 73] in the frost and snow three dayes at the Popes gate, before hee could get entrie? Was not the Frederick Babarossa. Emperour also afraide,Naucler. ge­ner 4 [...]. Iacob. Bergom. in Sup­plem chron. Al­sons. Ciacon. in vit. Alex. 3. who was driuen to lie agroofe on his belly, and suffer another Pope to tread vpon his necke? And was not another Henry. 6. Emperour afraide, R H [...]ueden in Rich. 1. Ranulph in Polychronico. lib. 7. who was constrained in like manner to in­dure a third Pope to beat off from his head the Imperiall Crowne with his foote? Was not Abbaes Vrsper. ad Ann. 1191. Nauc. gen. 40. Cuspin. in Phi­lippo. Philip afraid, being made Emperour a­gainst Pope Innocentius the thirds good li­king, when he brake out into these wordes, Either the Pope shal take the Crowne from Phi­lip, or Philip shal take the Miter from the Pope? whereupon the Pope stirred vp Ottho against him, who caused him to be slaine; and pre­sently went to Rome, and was crowned Em­perour by the Pope, though afterward the Pope Abbas Vrsper deposed him too. Was not the Em­perour Matth Paris in Henr. 3. Petrus de Vi­neis Epist. lib. 1. & 2. & Cuspin. in Freder. 2. Fredericke afraide, when Innocentius the fourth excommunicated him, depriued him of his crowne, absolued Princes of their Oath of fidelitie to him, and in Apulia cor­rupted one to giue him poison? whereof the Emperour recouering, hee hired his bastard [Page 74] Sonne Manfredus to poyson him; wherof he died. What did Vita [...]rederi­ci Germaincè conscriptae. Alexander the third write to the Soldan? That if he would liue quietly, he should by some sleight murther the Frederick Barbarossa. Em­perour; and to that ende sent him the Em­perours picture. And did not Paul Iouius Histor. lib. 2. Cuspinian. in Baiazet. 11. Guicciard. lib. 2. Alexander the sixt take of the Turke Baiazetes two hundred thousand crownes to kill his bro­ther Gemen; or as some call him, Si [...]imus, whom hee held captiue at Rome? Did hee not accept of the conditions to poyson the man, and had his pay? Was not our Houeden pag. 308. Matth. Parls. in Henric. II. Walsinga. in Hypodig. Neu­striae Ioan. Capgraue. Hen­ry the second afraide after the slaughter of Thomas Becket; that besides his going bare­footed in Pilgrimage, was whipped vp and downe the Chapter-house like a schoole­boy, and glad to escape so too? Had not this French King his great Grandfather King Iohn reason to bee afraid, when the Gometius de rebus gest. Fran. Ximenij Archi­epis. Tolet lib. 5. Pope gaue away his kingdome of Nauarre to the King of Spaine, whereof he yet posses­seth the best halfe? Had not this King, his Successour reason to be afraid, when he was forced to begge so submissiuely the relaxati­on of his Excommunication, as hee was con­tent [Page 75] likewise to suffer his Ambassadour to be whipped at Rome for penance? And had not the late Queene reason to looke to her­selfe, when she was excommunicated by Pi­us Quintus, her Subiects loosed from their fi­delity and allegiance toward her, her King­dome of Ireland giuen to the King of Spaine, and that famous fugitiue diuine, honoured with the like degree of a red hat as Bellar­mine is, was not ashamed to publish in print an Card. Al­lens Answere to Stan. let. Anno. 1587. Apologie for Stanlies Treason, maintai­ning, that by reason of her excommunicati­on and heresie, it was not onely lawfull for any of her Subiects, but euen they were bound in conscience to depriue her of any strength, which lay in their power to doe? And whether it were armies, townes, or for­tresses of hers which they had in their hands they were obliged to put them in the King of Spaine her enemies hands, shee no more being the right owner of any thing? But al­beit it be true, that wise men are mooued by the examples of others dangers to vse pro­uidence and caution, according to the olde prouerbe, Tum tua res agitur, paries cùm proxi­mus [Page 76] ardet: yet was I much neerlie summo­ned to vse this caution, by the practise of it in mine owne person.

First, by the sending forth of these Bulles, whereof I made mention already, for debar­ring me from entrie vnto this Crowne, and Kingdome. And next after my entry, and full possession thereof, by the horrible Pow­der-Treason, which should haue bereft both me and mine, both of crowne and lif [...]. And howsoeuer the Pope wil seeme to cleare him­selfe of any allowance of the sayd Powder-Treason; yet can it not be denyed, that his principall ministers here, and his chiefe Man­cipia the Iesuites, were the plaine practisers thereof: for which the principall of them hath died confessing it, and other haue fled the Countrey for the crime; yea, some of them gone into Italy: and yet neither these that fled out of this countrey for it, nor yet Baldwine, who though he then remained in the Lowe-countreyes, was of counsell in it, were euer called to account for it by the Pope: much lesse punished for medling in so scandalous and enormous businesse. And [Page 77] now what needs so great wonder and ex­clamation, that the onely King of England fea­reth: And what other Christian King doeth, or euer did feare, but he? As if by the force of his rhetoricke he could make me and my good Subiects to mistrust our senses, denie the Sunne to shine at midday, and not with the serpent to stop our eares to his charming, but to the plaine and visible veritie it selfe. And yet for all this wonder, hee can neuer proue me to be troubled with such a Panick terrour. Haue I euer importuned the Pope with any request for my securitie? Or haue I either troubled other Christian Princes my friends & allies, to intreat for me at the Popes hand? Or yet haue I begged from them a­ny aide or assistance for my farther securitie? No. All this wondred-at feare of mine, stret­cheth no further, then wisely to make distinction betweene the sheepe and goats in my owne pasture. For since, what euer the Popes part hath bene in the Powder-treason; yet certaine it is, that all these caitife mon­sters did to their death maintaine, that one­ly zeale of Religion mooued them to that [Page 78] horrible attempt: yea, some of them at their death, would not craue pardon at GOD or King for their offence: exhorting other of their followers to the like constancie. Had not wee then, and our Parliament great rea­son, by this Oath to set a marke of distincti­on betweene good Subiects and bad? Yea, between Papists, though peraduenture zea­lous in their Religion, yet otherwise ciuilly honest and good subiects, and such terrible firebrands of hell, as would maintaine the like maximes, which these powder-men did? Nay, could there bee a more gracious part in a King, suppose I say it, toward subiects of a contrary Religion, then by making them to take this Oath, to publish their honest fide­litie in temporall things to mee their Soue­raigne, and thereby to wipe off that imputa­tion and great slander which was laid vpon the whole professors of that Religion, by the furious enterprise of these Powder-men?

And wheras for illustration of this strong argument of his, hee hath brought in for a similitude the hystorie of Nazianze­nus in Iulian. inuectiuâ primâ. Iulian the Aposta­ta his dealing with the Christians, when as [Page 79] he straited them, either to commit idolatrie, or to come within the compasse of treason: I would wish the authour to remember, that although a similitude may bee permitted claudicare vno pede;The dispro­portion of the Cardinals similitude. yet this was a very ill chosen similitude, which is lame both of feet and hands, and euery member of the body. For I shall in few words prooue, that it agreeth in no one point, saue one, with our purpose, which is, that Iulian was an Em­perour, and I a King. First, Iulian was an A­postata, one that had renounced the whole Christian faith, which hee had once profes­sed, and became an Ethnike againe, or ra­ther an Atheist: whereas I am a Christian, who neuer changed that Religion, that I dranke in with my milke: nor euer, I thanke God, was ashamed of my profession. Iu­lian dealt against Christians onely for the profession of Christes cause: I deale in this cause with my Subiects, onely to make a di­stinction betweene true Subiects, and false hearted traitours. Iulians end was the ouer­throw of the Christians: my onely end is, to maintaine Christianitie in a peaceable go­uernement. [Page 80] Iulians drift was to make them commit idolatrie: my purpose is to make my Subiects to make open profession of their naturall Alleagiance, and ciuill obedi­ence. Iulians meanes whereby hee went a­bout it, was by craft, and insnaring them be­fore they were aware: my course in this is plaine, cleare, and void of all obscuritie: ne­uer refusing leaue to any that are required to take this Oath, to studie it at leisure, and gi­uing them all the interpretation of it they can craue. But the greatest dissimilitude of all, is in this: that Iulian pressed them to com­mit idolatrie to idoles and images: but as well I, as all the Subiects of my profession are so farre from guilt in this point, as wee are counted heretiques by you, because we will not commit idolatrie. So as, in the maine point of all, is the greatest contrarietie. For, Iulian persecuted the Christians because they would not commit idolatrie; and yee count me a persecutour, because I will not admit idolatrie. So as to conclude this point, this olde sentence may well be applied to Bellar­mine, in vsing so vnapt a similitude,

[Page 81]
Perdere quos vult Iupiter, hos dementat.

And therefore his vncharitable conclusi­on doeth not rightly follow: That it seemeth vnto him, that some such thing should be sub­tilly or fraudulently included in this Oath; as if no man can detest treason against the King, or professe ciuill subiection, except hee re­nounce the Primacie of the Apostolike Sea. But how hee hath suckt this apprehension out at his fingers ends, I cannot imagine: for sure I am, as I haue oft said, hee neuer goeth about to proue it: and to answere an impro­bable imagination, is to fight against a va­nishing shadow. It cannot bee denied in­deed, that many seruants of CHRIST, as wel Priests, as others, haue endured constant­ly all sorts of torments, and death, for the profession of CHRIST: and therefore to all such his examples, as he bringeth in for veri­fying the same, I neede not to giue him any other answere, saue onely to remember him, that he playeth the part of a sophister in all these his examples of the constancie of Mar­tyrs: euer taking Controuersum pro confesso, as if this our case were of the same nature.

[Page 22]But yet that the Reader may the better discouer, not onely how vnaptly his simili­tudes are applied, but likewise how disho­nestly hee vseth himselfe in all his citations: I haue thought good to set downe the very places themselues cited by him, together with a short deduction of the true state of those particular cases: whereby, how little these examples can touch our case; nay, by the contrary, how rightly their true sense may bee vsed, as our owne weapons to be throwen backe vpon him that alleadgeth them, shall easily appeare. And first, for 2. Maccha­bees cap. 6. vers [...] 18. Eleazar: If the Arch-priest his ground of refusing the Oath, were as good as Eleazars was, to forbeare to eate the swines flesh, it might not vnfitly be applyed by the Cardi­nall to his purpose.An answere to the Cardinal [...] example of Eleazar. For as Eleazar was a principall Scribe, so is he a principall Priest: As Eleazars example had a great force in it, to animate the yonger Scribes to keepe the Law, or in his colourable eating it, to haue taught them to dissemble: so hath the Arch-priests, either to make the inferiour Priests to take the Oath, or to refuse it: but the ground [Page 83] failing, the building cannot stand. For what exampl [...] is there in all the Scripture, in which disobedi [...]nce to the Oath of the King, or want of allegiance is allowed? If the Cardi­nal would remember, that when the Church maketh a law (suppose to forbid flesh on cer­taine dayes) hee that refuseth to obey it, in­curreth the iust censure of the Church: If a man then ought to die rather then to break the least of Gods Ceremoniall Lawes, and to pine and starue his bodie, rather then to violate the Church his positiue Law: will he not giue leaue to a man to redeeme his soule from sinne, and to keepe his body from pu­nishment, by keeping a Kings politique law, and by giuing good example in his person, raise vp a good opinion in me of like Allegi­ance in the inferiours of his Order? This ap­plication, as I take it, would haue better fit­ted this example.

But let me remember the Cardinall of an­other1. Sam. 14.15. Oath inioyned by a King to his peo­ple, whereby hee indaungered his owne life, and hazarded the safety of the whole army, when hee made the people sweare in the [Page 84] morning not to taste of any meate vntill night: which Oath he exacted so strictly, that his eldest sonne, and heiere appa [...]ant Io­nathan for breaking of it, by tasting a little hony of the top of his rod, though he heard not when the King gaue that Oath, had wel nigh died for it. And shall an Oath giuen vpon so vrgent an occasion as this was, for the apparant safety of me and my posterity, forbidding my people to drinke so deepely in the bitter cup of Antichristian fornicati­ons, but that they may keepe so much ho­ny in their hearts, as may argue them still es­poused to me their Soueraigne in the maine knot of true allegiance; shall this law, I say, by him be condemned to hell for a stratagem of Satan? I say no more, but GODS lot in the Oath of Sauls, and Bellarmines verdict vpon this Oath of ours, seeme not to be cast out of one lap.

Now to his example of Theodorit. lib. 4 cap. 19. An answere to the Card. example of S. Basil Basil, which is (as hee sayeth) so fit for his purpose. First, I must obserue, that if the Cardinall would leaue a common and ordinary tricke of his in all his Citations, which is, to take what [Page 85] makes for him, and leaue out what makes a­gainst him; and cite the Authours sense, as well as his Sentence, wee should not bee so much troubled with answering the ancients which he alleadgeth. To instance it in this very place: if he had continued his allegati­on one line further, hee should haue found this place out of Theodoret, of more force to haue moued Blackwel to take the Oath, then to haue disswaded him from it. For in the very next words it followeth, Imperatoris qui­dem amicitiam magni se péndere, cum pietate; quâ remotâ, perniciosam esse dicere. But that it may appeare, whether of vs haue greatest right to this place, I will in few wordes shew the Authours drift.

The Emperour Valens being an Arrian, at the perswasion of his wife, when hee had depriued all the Churches of their Pastours, came to Caesarea, where Theodorit. lib 4. cap. 19. S. Basill was then Bishop, who, as the History reporteth, was accounted the Light of the world. Before he came, he sent his Modestus as Nazianzen vp­on the death of Basil cal­leth him in his oration. deputy to worke it, that S. Basill should hold fellowship with Eudoxius (which Looke cap. 12. eiusdem libr. Eudoxius was Bishop of Constan­tinople, [Page 86] and the principall of the Arrian fa­ction) or if he would not, that he should put him to banishment. Now when the Empe­rours Deputie came to Cesarea, hee sent for Basil, intreated him honourably, spake plea­singly vnto him, desired he would giue way to the time, neither that hee would hazard the good of so many Churches tenui exqui­sitione dogmatis: promised him the Emperours fauour, and himselfe to be mediatour for his good. But S. Basill answered, These intising speeches were fit to be vsed to children, that vse to gape after such things: but for them that were throughly instructed in Gods word, they could neuer suffer any syllable thereof to be corrupted. Nay, if need required, they would for the main­tenance thereof, refuse no kinde of death. In­deed the loue of the Emperour ought to be great­ly esteemed with pietie; but pietie taken away, it was pernicious.

This is the truth of the history. Now com­pare the case of Basill with the Arch-priests: Basill was solicited to become an Arrian: the Arch-priest not once touched for any article of faith. Basill would haue obeyed [Page 27] the Emperour, but that the word of GOD for bade him: this man is willed to obey, be­cause the word of GOD commandeth him. Basill highly esteemed the Emperours fa­uour, if it might haue stood with pietie: the Archpriest is exhorted to reiect it, though it stand with true godlinesse in deed, to em­brace it.The Cardi. as­similating of the Arch pr. case to S. Pe­ters, and Mar­cellinus, consi­dered· But that hee may lay load vpon the Arch-priest, it is not sufficient to exhort him to courage and constancie by Eleazars and Basils examples; but hee must be vtterty cast downe with the comparing his fall to S. Pe­ters, and Marcellinus: which two mens cases were the most feareful, considering their per­sons and places, that are to be found, or read of either in all the books of diuine Scripture, or the volumes of Ecclesiasticall histories; the one denying the onely true God, the o­ther our Lord & Sauiour IESVS CHRIST: the one sacrificing to idols, with the profane heathen: the other forswearing his Lord and Master, with the hard-hearted Iewes. Vn­lesse the Cardinall would driue the Arch­priest to some horrour of conscience, and pit of despaire, I know not what hee can [Page 88] meane by this comparison. For sure I am, all that are not intoxicated with their cup, cannot but woonder to heare of an Oath of Allegiance to a naturall Soueraigne, to bee likened to an Apostats denying of God, and forswearing of his Sauiour.

But to let passe the Disdiapason of the ca­ses (as his ill-fauoured coupling S. Peter the head of their Church, with an apostate Pope) I maruaile he would remember this example of Looke Pla­tina in vita Marcellini. Marcellinus, since his brother Cardinall Baronius, and the late edition of the Coun­cels by Concil. Tom. 1. pag. 222. Looke Baro­nius. Ann. 302. num. 96. Binnius seeme to call the credite of the whole history into question, saying, That it might plainely be refuted, and that it is proba­bly to be shewed, that the story is but obreptitious, but that he would not swarue from the com­mon receiued opinion.

And if a man might haue leaue to conie­cture; so would his Cardinalship too, if it were not for one or two sentences in that Councell of Sinuessa, See Tom. 1. Concil. in Act. Concil. Sinues. san. which serued for his purpose: namely that, Prima sedes à nemine iudicatur: And, Iudica causam tuam: nostrâ sententià non condemnaberis. But to what [Page 89] purpose a great Councel (as he termes it) of three hundred Bishops and others, should meete together, who before they met, knew they could doe nothing; when they were there, did nothing, but like Cuckowes, sing ouer and ouer the same song: that Prima sedes à nemine iudicatur: and so after three dayes sitting (a long time indeed for a great and graue Councell) brake so bluntly vp: and yet, that there should be seuenty two witnesses brought against him, and that they should subscribe his excommunicati­on, and that at his owne mouth he tooke the Anathema maranatha: how these vntoward contradictions shal be made to agree, I must send the Cardinall to Venice, to Padre Paulo, who in his Apol. Pat. Paul aduersus opposit. Card. Bellar. Apologie against the Cardi­nals oppositions, hath handled them very learnedly.

But from one Pope, let vs passe to another:An answere to the place alledged out of S. Gregory. (for, what a principall article of faith and re­ligion this Oath is, I haue alreadie suffici­ently proued.) Why he called S. Greg. lib. 11. cap. 42. Gregory our Apostle, I know not, vnlesse perhaps it be, for that he sent Beda Ecclesi. Hist. gen. Ang. lib. 1. cap. 25. Augustine the Monke, [Page 90] and others with him into England, to cōuert vs to the faith of Christ, wherein I wish the Popes his successours would follow his pat­terne. For albeit he sent them by diuine re­uelation (as he said) into England vnto King Ethelbert; yet when they came, they exerci­sed no part of their function, but by the Kings leaue and permission. So did King Beda Ecclesi­ast. Hist. gen. Ang. iib. 1. cap. 4 Lucius send to Eleutherius his predecessor, and hee sent him diuers Bishops, who were all placed by the Kings authoritie. These conuerted men to the faith, and taught them to obey the King. And if the Popes in these dayes would but insist in these steps of their forefathers, then would they not inter­taine Princes fugitiues abroad, nor send them home, not onely without my leaue, but directly against the lawes, with plots of treason and doctrine of rebellion, to drawe Subiects from their obedience to mee their naturall King: nor be so cruell to their owne Mancipia, as returning them with these wares, put either a State in iealousie of them; or them in hazard of their owne liues. Now to our Apostle (since the Cardinall will haue [Page 91] him so called) I perswade my selfe I should doe a good seruice to the Church in this my labour, if I could but reape this one fruit of it, to moue the Cardinal to deale faithfully with the Fathers, and neuer to alledge their opini­ons against their owne purpose. For, this let­ter of Gregorius was written to Iohn Bishop of Greg. lib. 11. cap. 42. Palermo in Sicily, to whom he granted v­sum pallij, to be worne in such times, & in such order as the Priests in the Ile of Sicily, and his predecessours were wont to vse: and withall giueth him a caueat: that the reuerence to the Apostolike Sea, be not disturbed by the presump­tion of any: for then the state of the members doth remaine sound, when the head of the Faith is not bruised by any iniury, and the authoritie of the Canons alwayes remaine safe and sound.

Now let vs examine the words. The epistle was written to a Bishop, especially to grant him the vse of the Pall; a ceremony and mat­ter indifferent. As it appeareth, the Bishop- of Rome tooke it well at his hands, that hee would not presume to take it vpon him with­out leaue from the Apostolique Sea, giuing him that admonition which foloweth in the [Page 92] words alledged out of him: which doctrine we are so far frō impugning, that we altoge­ther approue & allow of the same, that what­soeuer ceremonie for order is thought meet by the Christian Magistrat, and the Church, the same ought inuiolably to bee kept: and where the head & gouernour in matters of that nature are not obeyed, the members of that Church must needs run to hellish con­fusion. But that Gregory by that terme, caput fidei, held himselfe the head of our faith, and the head of all Religion, cannot stand with the course of his doctrine and writings. For first, whē an Iohn of Constantinople. See Greg. lib. 4. Epist. 32. other would haue had this stile to be called Vniuersalis Episcopus, hee sayd, Lib. 6. Epist. 30. I doe confidently auouch, that whosoeuer calleth himselfe, or desireth to be called Vniuersall Bi­shop, in this aduancing of himselfe, is the fore­runner of the Antichrist. Which notwithstan­ding was a stile far inferiour to that of Caput fidei. And when it was offered to himselfe, the wordes of S. Gregorie be these, refusing that title: Greg. lib. 4. Epist. 32. & 36. None of my predecessors [Bishops of Rome,] euer consented to vse this pro­phane name [of vniuersall Bishop.] None of [Page 93] my predecessors euer tooke vpon him this name of singularity, neither consented to vse it, We the Bishops of Rome, do not seek, nor yet accept this glorious title, being offered vnto vs. And now, I pray you, would he that refused to be called vniuersall Bishop, be stiled Caput fidei, vnles it were in that sense, as I haue expressed? which sense if he will not admit, giue mee leaue to say that of Gregorie, which himselfe saith of Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 2. cap. 10. Lyra, Minus cautè locutus est: or which hee elswhere saith of Chrysostome, Idem. lib. 2. de Missa cap. 10. Locutus est per excessum. To redeeme therefore our Apostle out of his hands, & to let him remain ours, & not his in this case; it is very true that he saith in that sense he spake it. Whē ye go about to disturbe, diminish, or take away the authori­tie or Supremacie of the Church, which re­steth on the head of the King, within his do­minions, ye cut off the head & chiefe gouer­nor therof, & disturb the state & members of the whole body. And for a conclusiō of this point, I pray him to think, that we are so well perswaded of the good minde of our Apo­stle S. Gregory to vs, that we desire no other thing to bee suggested to the Pope and his [Page 94] Cardinals, then our Apostle S. Gregory desi­red Greg. lib. 7. Epist. 1. Sabinian to suggest vnto the Emperour and the State in his time. His words be these: One thing there is, of which I would haue you shortly to suggest to your most noble Lord and Master: That if I his seruant would haue had my hand in slaying of the Lombards, at this day the nation of the Lombards had neither had king, nor dukes, nor earles, and had bin diuided asunder in vtter confusion: but because I feare God, I dread to haue my hand in the blood of any man.

An answere to the authoritie out of Leo.And thus hauing answered to S. Gregory, I come to another Pope, his Apostle, S. Leo. And that hee may see, I haue not in the for­mer citations, quarelled him like a Sophister for contentiō sake, but for finding out of the trueth, I do grant, that the authorities out of Leo trimus in die ass [...]m [...]. su [...]e ad Pontif. s [...]rmone 3. Leo Epist 89. ad Epist. Vien. Idem ibid. cap. 2 Leo, are rightly alleadged all three, the wordes truely set downe, together with his true intent and purpose: but withall, let mee tell him, and I appeale vnto his owne consci­ence whether I speake not truely, that what Tullie said to Cicero in Hor. Hortensius, when hee did im­moderately praise eloquence, that he would haue lift her vp to Heauen, that himselfe [Page 95] might haue gone vp with her; So his S. Leo lift vp S. Peter with praises to the sky, that he being his For so he calleth him­selfe in serm. 1. in die assum. heire, might haue gone vp with him. For his S. Leo was a great Orator, who by the power of his eloquence redeemed Rome from fire, when both Ex [...]reuiario Romano. Attilas and Gen­sericus would haue burnt it.

Some fruits of this rhetorick he bestowed vpon S. Peter, saying, The Lord Epist. 89. did take Pe­ter into the fellowship of the indiuisible vnitie: which words being coupled to the sentence alleadged by the Cardinall (That hee hath no part in the diuine Mysterie, that dare depart from the soliditie of Peter) should haue giuen him, I thinke, such a scarre, as hee should ne­uer haue dared to haue taken any aduātage by the words immediatly preceding, for the benefit of the Church of Rome, and the head therof; since those which immediatly folow, are so much derogatory to the diuine Ma­iestie. And againe, My Epist. 52. writings be strengthe­ned by the authoritie and merit of my Lord most blessed S. Peter. We Epist. 89. beseech you to keepe the things decreed by vs through the inspiration of God, and the Apostle most blessed S. Peter. If [Page 96] In serm. 2. in die anniuer. assum. suae. any thing be well done, or decreed by vs; If any thing be obtained of Gods mercy by daily praiers, it is to be ascribed to S. Peters works and merits, whose power doth liue, & authority excell in his owne Sea. He Ser. 3. in die anni. assump. suae. was so plentifully watered of the very fountaine of all graces, that whereas he re­ceiued many things alone, yet nothing passeth ouer to any other, but hee was partaker of it. And in a word, he was so desirous to extoll S. Peter, That a messenger from him was an Epist. 24. embassage from S. Peter:Epist. 4. any thing done in his presence, was in S. Peters presence. Neither did he vse all this Rhetoricke without purpose: for at that time the Patriarch of Constantino­ple cōtended with him for Primacie. And in the Councell of Concil. Ch [...]l­ced. Act. 16. & c [...]n. 28. Chalcedon, the Bishops sixe hundred and more, gaue equall authority to the Patriarch of that Sea, and would not ad­mit any priuiledge to the Sea of Rome a­boue him; but went against him. And yet he that gaue so much to Peter, tooke nothing from Caesar; but gaue him both his Titles and due, giuing the power of calling a Councell to the Emperour; as it may appeare by these one or two places following of many. If it [Page 97] may please your Epist. 9. Theodosio. godlinesse to vouchsafe at our supplication to condescend, that you wil command a Councell of Bishops to bee holden within Italy. and writing vnto the Bishop of Constanti­nople. Because the most clement Epist. 16. Flauiano. Emperor, care­full of the peace of the Church, will haue a Coun­cell to be holden; albeit it euidently appeare, the matter to be handled doeth in no case stand in need of a Councell. And againe, Albeit Epist. 17. Theodosio. my oc­casions wil not permit me to be present vpon the day of the Councell of Bishops, which your godli­nesse hath appointed. So as by this it may well appeare, that he that gaue so much to Peter, gaue also to Caesar his due and prerogatiue. But yet he playeth not faire play in this, that euen in all these his wrong applied argu­ments and examples, he produceth no other witnesses, but the parties themselues; bring­ing euer the Popes sentences for approbation of their owne authoritie.

Now indeed for one word of his in the middest of his examples, I cannot but greatly cōmend him; that is, that Martyrs ought to indure all sorts of tortures and death, before they suffer one syllable to be corrupted of the [Page 98] Law of God. Which lesson, if hee and all the rest of his owne profession would apply to themselues, then would not the Sacrament be administred sub vnâ specie, directly con­trary to Christes institution, the practise of the Apostles and of the whole Primitiue Church for many hundred yeeres: then would not the priuate Masses bee in place of the Lordes Supper: then would not the words of the Bellar. de sa­cra Eucharist. lib 4. cap. 14. Canon of the Masse be oppo­sed to the words of S. Paul and S. Luke, as our Aduersary himselfe confesseth, and can­not reconcile them: nor then would not so many hundreths other traditions of men be set vp in their Church, not only as equall, but euen preferred to the word of God. But sure in this point I fear I haue mistaken him: for I thinke he doth not meane by his Diui­na Dogmata, the word of the God of heauen, but onely the Canons and Lawes of his Do­minus Deus Papa: otherwise all his Primacie of the Apostolike Sea would not be so much sticken vpon, hauing so slender ground in the word of God.

And for the great feare he hath, that the [Page 99] suddennes of the apprehension, the bitternes of the persecution, the weaknesse of his age, and other such infirmities might haue bene the cause of the Arch-priests fall; in this, I haue already sufficiently answered him; ha­uing declared, as the trueth is, and as the said Blackwel himselfe wil yet testifie, that he took this Oath freely of himselfe, without any in­ducement therunto, either Precebus or Minis. Some of San­ders his wor­thy sayings remembred.

But amongst all his citations, he must not forget holy Sanderus and his Vi [...]ibilis Monar­chia, whose person and actions I did already a little touch. And surely who will with vn­partiall eyes read his bookes, they may well thinke, that he hath deserued wel of his Eng­lish Roman-Church; but they can neuer thinke, but that he deserued very ill of his English Soueraigne and State. Witnesse his owne books; whereout I haue made choice to set downe here these few sentences fol­lowing, as flowers pickt out of so worthy a garland. Sand. de vi­sib. monar. lib. 6. cap. 4. Elisabeth Queene of England, doth exercise the Priestly act of teaching and preaching the Gospel in England, with no lesse authority then Christ himself, or Moses euer did. [Page 100] The supremacy of a Sand. de clau. Dauid lib. 6. cap. 1. woman in Church matters, is from no other, then from the Deuill. And of all things in generall, thus he speaketh, The Sand. de vi­sib. Monar. lib. 2. cap. 4. King that wil not inthrall himselfe to the Popes authority, he ought not to be tolerated; but his Subiects ought to giue all diligence, that another may be chosen in his place assoone as may be. A King that is an Ibidem. Heretike, ought to be remoued from the kingdome that he holdeth ouer Christi­ans; and the Bishops ought to endeuour to set vp another, assoone as possibly they can. Wee doe constantly Ibidem. affirme, that all Christian Kings are so far vnder Bishops and Priestes in all matters appertaining to faith, that if they shall continue in a falt against Christian Religion after one or two admonitions, obstinately, for that cause they may and ought to be deposed by the Bishops from their temporal authority they hold ouer Christiās. Ibid [...]m. Bishops are set ouer temporall kingdomes, if those kingdomes do submit themselues to the faith of Christ. We doe iustly Sand. de clau. Dauid. lib. 5. cap. 2. affirme, that all Secular power, whether Regall, or any other is, of Men. The Ibidem. anoynting which is powred vpon the head of the King by the Priest, doeth declare that he is inferiour to the Priest. It is altogether [Page 101] against the will of Sand. de c [...]a. Dauid lib. 5. cap. 4. CHRIST, that Christian Kings should haue supremacie in the Church.

And whereas for the crowne and conclu­sion of all his examples,The Cardi­nals paice of Martyrs weighed. he reckoneth his two English martyrs, Moore and Roffensis, who died for that one most weighty head of do­ctrine, as he alleadgeth, refusing the Oath of Supremacie; I must tel him, that he hath not bene well informed in some materiall points, which doe very neerly concerne his two said martyrs. For it is cleare and apparantly to be prooued by diuers Records, that they were both of them committed to the Tower a­bout a yeere before either of them was called in question vpon their liues, for the Popes Su­premacie; And that partly for their back­wardnesse in the point of the establishment of the Kings succession, wherunto the whole Realme had subscribed, and partly for that one of them, to wit, Fisher, had had his hand in the matter of the holy Called Eli­zabeth Barton. See the Act of Parlia­ment. mayd of Kent, he being for his concealement of that false pro­phets abuse, found guiltie of misprision of treason. And as these were the principall causes of their imprisonment (the King re­sting [Page 102] secure of his Supremacie, as the Realme stood then affected, but especially troubled for setling the crowne vpon the issue of his se­cond marriage) so was it easily to be concei­ued, that being thereupon discontented, their humors were therby made apt to draw them by degrees, to further opposition a­gainst the King and his authoritie, as indeed it fell out. For in the time of their being in prison, the Kings lawfull authoritie in cases Ecclesiasticall being published and promul­ged, as wel by a generall decree of the Clergie in their Synode, as by an Act of Parliament made thereupon; they behaued themselues so peeuishly therein, as the old coales of the Kings anger being thereby raked vp of new, they were againe brought in question; as wel for this one most weighty head of doctrine of the Pope his supremacy, as for the matter of the Kings marriage and succession, as by the confession of one of themselues, euen Thomas Moore, Histor. aliquot Mar [...]num no­stri seculi, Ann. 1550. is euident. For being condem­ned, he vsed these wordes at the barre before the Lords, Non ignoro cur me morti adiudicaue­ritis; videlicet ob id, quod nunquam voluerim [Page 103] assentiri in negotio matrimonij Regis. That is, I am not ignorant why you haue adiudged me to death: to wit, for that I would neuer consent in the busines of the new marriage of the King. By which his owne confession it is plaine, that this great martyr himselfe tooke the cause of his owne death, to be only for his being re­fractary to the King in this said matter of Marriage and succession; which is but a very fleshly cause of martyrdome, as I conceiue.

And as for Roffensis his fellow Martyr (who could haue bene content to haue ta­ken the Oath of the Kings Supremacy, with a certaine modification, which Moore refu­sed) as his imprisonment was neither onely, nor principally for the cause of Supremacy, so died he but a halting and a singular Martyr or witnes for that most waightie head of do­ctrine; the whole Church of England going at that time, in one current and streame as it were against him in that argument, diuerse of them being of farre greater reputation for learning and sound iudgement, then euer he was. So as in this point we may wel arme our selues with the Cardinals own reason, where [Page 104] hee giueth amongst other notes of the true Church, Vniuersalitie for one, we hauing the generall and Catholike conclusion of the whole Church of England, on our side in this case, as appeareth by their booke set out by the whole Conuocation of England, called, The institution of a Christian man; the same matter being likewise very learnedly hand­led by diuers particular learned men of our Church, as by Steuen Gardiner in his booke de vera obedientia, with a preface of Bishop Boners adioyned to it, De summo & absoluto Regis Imperio, published by M Bekinsaw, De vera differentia Regiae Potestatis & Ecclesi­asticae, Bishop Tonstals Sermon, Bishop Long­lands Sermon, the letter of Tonstall to Cardi­nall Poole, and diuers other both in English and Latine. And if the bitternesse of Fishers discontentment had not bene fed with his daily ambitious expectation of the Cardinals hat, which came so neere as Calis before hee lost his head to fil it with, I haue great reason to doubt, if he would haue constantly perse­uered in induring his martyrdome for that one most waightie head of doctrine.

[Page 105]And surely these two captaines and ring­leaders to martyrdome were but ill folowed by the rest of their countrymen: for I can ne­uer reade of any after them, being of any great account, and that not many, that euer sealed that weighty head of doctrine with their blood in England. So as the true causes of their first falling in trouble (wherof I haue already made mention) being rightly consi­dered vpon the one part; and vpon the other the scant number of witnesses, that with their blood sealed it; (a point so greatly accounted of by our Cardinal) there can but smal glory redound therby to our English nation, these onely two, Enoch and Elias, seruing for wit­nesses against our Antichristian doctrine.

And I am sure the Supremacie of Kings may,The Supre­macy of Kings sufficiently warranted by the Scriptures. and will euer be better maintained by the word of God (which must euer bee the true rule to discerne al weighty heads of do­ctrine by) to be the true and proper office of Christian Kings in their owne dominions, then he wil be euer able to maintaine his an­nihilating Kings, & their authorities, toge­ther with his base & vnreuerend speeches of [Page 106] them wherewith both his former great Vo­lumes, and his late Bookes against Venice are filled. In the old Testament, Kings were di­rectly 2. Chron. 19.4. Gouernours ouer the Church within their Dominions; 2. Sam. 5.6. purged their corruptions; reformed their abuses, brought the 1. Chron. 13.12. Arke to her resting place, the King 2. Sam. 6.16. dancing before it; 1. Chron. 28.6 built the Temple; 2. Chron. 6. dedicated the same, assisting in their owne persons to the sancti­fication thereof; 2. King. 22.11. made the booke of the Law new-sound, to be read to the people; Nehe. 9.38. Dauid. Salomon. renewed the couenant betweene God and his people; 2. King. 18.4. brused the brasen Serpent in pie­ces, which was set vp by the expresse cōman­dement of God, and was a figure of Christ; destroyed 1· Kings 15.12. all Idols, and false gods; made 2. Chron. [...]7.8. a publike reformation, by a Commission of Secular men and Priests mixed for that pur­pose; deposed 1 Kings 2.27. the hie Priest, and set vp ano­ther in his place: and generally, ordered e­uery thing belonging to the Church-go­uerment, their Titles and Prerogatiues gi­uen them by God, agreeing to these their actions. They are called the 2. Sam. 7.14. Sonnes of the most High, nay, Gods Psal. 82.6. & Exod. 22.8. themselues; The 1. Sam. 24.1 [...] Lords [Page 107] anoynted; Sitting 2. Chro. 9.8 in Gods throne; His 2. Chron. 6.15. ser­uants; The Angels 2. Sam. 14.20 of God; According to his 1. Sam. 13.14 hearts desire; The light 2. Sam. 21.17 of Israel; The Isa. 49.23. nursing fathers of the Church, with innumerable such stiles of honor, wherwith the old Testament is filled; wherof our aduersary can pretend no ignorance. And as to the new Testament, Euery soule is commaunded to be subiect vnto them, euen for Rom. 13.5. conscience sake. All men 1. Tim. 2.2. must bee prayed for; but especially Kings, and those that are in Authority, that vnder them we may lead a godly, peaceable and an honest life.

The Rom. 13.4 Magistrate is the minister of God to doe vengeance on him that doth euill, & reward him that doeth well. Ye must obey all higher powers, but 1. Pet. 2.13. especially Princes, and those that are supere­minent. Giue euery man his due, feare Rom. 13.7. to whom feare belongeth, and honour to whome honour. Giue Matth. 22.21. vnto Caesar what is Caesars, and to God what is Gods. Iohn 18.36. Regnum meum non est huius mundi. Luke 12 14 Quis me constituit Iudicem super vos? Luke 22.25. Reges gentium dominantur eorum, vos autem non sic. If these examples, sentences, titles, and prerogatiues, and innumerable other in the old and new Testament, do not warrant [Page 108] Christian Kings, within their owne domini­ons, to gouerne the Church, as well as the rest of their people, in being Custod es vtrius (que) Tabulae, not by making new articles of faith, (which is the Popes office, as I saide before) but by cōmanding obedience to be giuen to the word of God, by reforming the religion according to his prescribed will, by assisting the spiritual power with the temporal sword, by reforming of corruptions, by procuring due obedience to the Church, by iudging and cutting off all friuolous questions and Schismes, as Euseb. lib. 3. de vita Con­staetini. Constantine did; and finally, by making decorum to bee obserued in euery thing, & establishing orders to be obserued in al indifferent things for that purpose, which is the only intent of our Oath of Supremacy: If this Office of a King, I say, doe not agree with the power giuen him by Gods word, let any indifferent man voyd of passion, iudge. But how these honourable offices, styles, and prerogatiues giuen by God to Kings in the old & new Testament, as I haue now cited, can agree with the braue stiles and titles that Bellarmine giueth thē, I can hardly conceiue.

[Page 109]1. That Kings are rather slaues then Lords. 1. De la [...]cis. cap. 7.

2. That they are not only subiects to Popes, 2. De Pont. lib. 1. cap. 7. to Bishops, to Priests, but euen to Deacons.

3.3. Ibidem. That an Emperour must content himselfe to drinke, not onely after a Bishop, but after a Bishops Chaplen.

4.4. Ibidem, & de cler. cap. 28. That Kings haue not their authority nor office immediatly from God, nor his Lawe, but onely from the Law of Nations.

5.5. De P. nt. lib 3. cap. 16. That Popes haue degraded many Emperours, but neuer Emperour degraded the Pope; nay, euen De Rom. Pont lib 5. cap. 8. Bishops, that are but the Popes vas­sals, may depose Kings, and abrogate their lawes.

6.6. De laicis. cap 8. That Church-men are so farre aboue Kings, as the soule is aboue the body.

7.7. De Pont. lib 5. cap. 18. That Kings may be deposed by their peo­ple, for diuers respects.

8. But Popes can by no meanes bee deposed: 8. De Pont. lib. 2. cap. 26. for no flesh hath power to iudge of them.

9. That obedience due to the Pope, 9. De Pont. lib. 4 cap. 15. is for con­science sake.

10. But the obedience due to Kings, 10 De Clericis cap. 28. is onely for certaine respects of order and policie.

11.11. Ibidem. That these very Church-men that are borne, and inhabite in Soueraigne Princes coun­treys, [Page 110] are notwithstanding not their Subiects, and cannot be iudged by them, although they may iudge them.

12. Ibidem.12. And, that the obedience that Churchmen giue to Princes, euen in the meanest and meere temporall things, is not by way of any necessary subiection, but onely out of discretion, and for ob­seruation of good order and custome.

These contrarieties betweene the booke of God, and Bellarmines books, haue I heere set in opposition ech to other, Vt ex contrarijs iuxta se positis, veritas magis elucescere possit. And thus farre I dare boldly affirme, that whosoeuer will indifferently weigh these ir­reconciliable contradictions here set downe, wil easily confesse, that CHRIST is no more contrary to Beliall, light to darkenesse, and heauen to hell, then Bellarmines estimation of Kings, is to Gods.

Now as to the conclusion of his letter, which is onely filled with strong and pithy exhortations, to perswade and confirme Blackwell to the patient and constant indu­ring of Martyrdome, I haue nothing to an­swere, saue by way of regrate; that so many [Page 111] good sentences drawen out of the Scripture, so well and so handsomely packed vp toge­ther should bee so ill and vntruely applied. But an euill cause is neuer the better for so good a cloake; and an ill matter neuer a­mended by good words: And therefore I may iustly turne ouer that craft of the deuill vpon himselfe, in vsing so holy-like an ex­hortation to so euill a purpose. Only I could haue wished him, that hee had a little better obserued his decorum herein, in not letting slip two or three prophane wordes amongst so many godly mortified Scripture senten­ces. For in all the Scripture, especially in the new Testament, I neuer read of Pontifex Maximus. And the Pope must be content in that stile to succeed according to the Lawe and institution of Numa Pompilius, and not to S. Peter, who neuer heard nor dreamed of such an office.

And for his Caput fidei, which I remem­bred before, the Apostles (I am sure) neuer gaue that stile to any, but to CHRIST. So as these stiles, wherof some were neuer found in Scripture, and some were neuer applied [Page 112] but to CHRIST in that sense, as he applieth it, had bene better to haue beene left out of so holy and mortified a letter.

To conclude then this present discourse, I heartily wish all indifferent readers of the Breues and Letter, not to iudge by the speci­ousnes of the words, but by the weight of the matter; not looking to that which is strong­ly alledged, but iudiciously to consider what is iustly prooued; And for all my own good and naturall Subiects, that their hearts may remaine established in the trueth; that these forraine inticements may not seduce them from their natall and naturall duetie; and that all, aswell strangers, as naturall Subiects, to whose eyes this discourse shall come, may wisely and vnpartially iudge of the Veritie, as it is nakedly here set downe, for clearing these mists and cloudes of calumnies, which were iniustly heaped vpon mee; for which ende onely I heartily pray the courteous Reader to be perswaded, that I tooke occasion to publish this discourse.

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